TIIE-L.IFE 


or 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY 


(Eontemjjorars  Setters. 


FROM  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION. 


BY  JAMES  T.   AUSTIN. 


BOSTON  : 

WELLS  AND  LILLY— COURT-STREET. 

1829. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  WIT : 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

BEIT  REMEMBERED,  that  on  the  first  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1829,  in  the  fifty- 
third  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Wells  and  Lilly,  of  the 
said  District,  have  deposited  in  this  Office  the  Title  ol  a  .BOOK,  tne  Right  whereof  they 
claim  as  Proprietors,  in  the  words  following1,  to  rvit  : 

"  The  Life  of  Elbridjre  Gerry.  With  Contemporary  Letters.  From  the  close  of  the 
American  Revolution.  By  James  T.  Austin." 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled  "  An  Act  for 
the  encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books,  to  the 
Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  Copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned  ;"  and  also  to 
an  Act.  entitled,  tk  An  act  supplementary  to  an  Act,  entitled  An  Act  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and 
Proprietors  of  such  Copies  during  the  times  therein  mentioned  ;  and  extending  the  Benefits 
thereof  to  the  Arts  ol  Designing,  Engraving,  and  Etching  Historical,  and  other  Prints." 

JNO.  W.  DAVIS, 
Clerk  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


THE  continuation  of  the  Biography  promised  in 
the  first  volume  is  now  submitted  to  the  public ; — 
sooner  indeed  than  was  then  intended — but  in  de 
ference  to  the  opinion  of  many  whom  the  author 
did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  disregard. 


BOSTON,  MASSACHUSETTS, 

JAIfUART    1,    1829. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

CHAPTER   I. 

State  of  the   country Convention  at  Annapolis At 

Philadelphia  form  a  constitution  of  government  for  tlie 
United  States Details  of  its  progress  -  1 

CHAPTER    II. 

Disapproves  the  constitution His  letter  to  the  legislature 

of  Massachusetts Objections  considered Parties  on 

the  merits  of  the  constitution Judge  Dana  proposes  to 

annihilate  Kliodo  Island Massachusetts  convention  to 

consider  the  constitution  of  the  United  States Proceed 
ings  in  convention Governour  Hancock Constitu 
tion  adopted  .  -  38 

CHAPTER    III. 

Popular  feeling  in  Massachusetts  on  the  adoption  of  the  con 
stitution Letter  to   General    Warren The  Federal 

party  become  a  majority Consequences Mr.  Gerry 

a  candidate  for  Congress Letter  to  the  Electors 

Letter  to  the  Governour To  General  Warren  ?(J 

CHAPTER    IV. 

First   Congress   of  United    States Parties    therein 

Speech  on  amendments  to  the  Constitution The  pub 
lic  creditors Employments  of  private  life Origin  of 

the  Democratic  party Commentary  on  the  account  of  it 

given  by  the  biographer  of  Washington French  revo 
lution British  treaty Chosen  to  the  Electoral  Col- 


VI  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

lege  of  Massachusetts Votes  for  Mr.  Adams Cor 
respondence  with  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  election With 

a  lady  -     98 

CHAPTER   Y. 

Cabinet  of  President  Adams Mr.  Gerry  nominated  on  a 

mission  to  France Hostility  of  Mr.  Pickering Ac 
ceptance  urged  by  Mr.  Jefferson Letter  from  Mr.  Otis 

Arrival  in  Paris., State  of  France Retrospective 

history  of  the  connexion  between  France  and  the  United 
States  -  146 

CHAPTER   VI. 

History  of  the  joint  mission  of  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall 

and    Gerry  to   the   French  republic Messrs.  Marshall 

and  Pinckney  leave  France Mr.   Gerry  remains 

His  conduct  -  190 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Commentary  on  the  mission  to  France,  and  strictures  on 
colonel  Pickering's  publications  in  relation  to  it  -  239 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

Commentary  on  the  mission  continued Further  strictures 

on  Mr.  Pickering's  publications     -  -  279 

CHAPTER   IX. 

Returns  to  Massachusetts Proposed  for  Governour  of 

the    Commonwealth Private    life Pecuniary    and 

domestic    misfortune Character Member    of    the 

electoral  college  of  Massachusetts Presides  at  a  meet 
ing  in  relation  to  the  attack  on  the  frigate  Chesapeake     -  296 

CHAPTER    X. 

Elected  Governour  of  Massachusetts.. Conciliatory  tem 
per  of  the  administration Degree  of  doctor  of  laws 

conferred  on  him  by  Harvard  College Inauguration  of 


CONTENTS.  VII 

PAGE 

president  Kirkland Rcelccted  govcrnour  of  Massachu 
setts Policy  of  the  administration  changed Speech 

to    the   legislature Measures  of  the  republican  party 

Their  character  considered Doctrine  of  libel 

Correspondence  with  judge  Parker Message  to  the  le 
gislature  on  the  same  subject Message  on  the  resour 
ces  of  the  state Complies  with  a  requisition  of  the 

government  of  the  United  States  for  a  detachment  of  mi 
litia Is  superseded  as  governour  of  Massachusetts  -  313 

CIIAPTKR    XI. 

Elected  vice-president   of  the  United  States Address  of 

congratulation  from  his  friends  in  Massachusetts Na 
tional  and  state  policy Presides  in  the  senate  of  the 

United  States The  cabinet His  opinion  of  the  op 
position  in  Massachusetts Sudden  deuth Funeral 

Proposed  bill  to  continue  his  salary  to  his  widow  lost 

in  the  house  of  representatives His   monument 

Inscription  403,  404 


ERRATA. 

Page  21,  note,  for  cong.  read  conv. 

Page  83,  18th  line,  for  disunion  read  discussion. 

Page  104,  5th  line,  dele  the  subject  of. 

Page  227,  17th  line,  for  1748  read  1798. 

Page  279,  15th  line,  dele  the  semicolon  after  the  word  forgotten. 

Page  307,  29th  line,  for/or  read/rom. 

Page  328,  8th  line,  for  mass  read  Massachusetts. 

Page  399,  6th  line,  for  show  read  shew. 


THE    LIFE 


or 


ELIIR1DGE    GERRY 


CHAPTER    I. 

State  of  the  country Convention  at  Annapolis 'It  Philadel 
phia  form  a  constitution  of  government  for  the  United  Mates 

Dttails  of  its  progress. 

A.  FORMER  volume  has  recounted  the  agency  of 
this  distinguished  citizen  in  the  service  of  his  coun 
try,  from  the  dawn  of  the  revolution  until  after  the 
peace  of  I7?>.'i.  It  closed  at  a  period  when  retir 
ing  from  the  scenes  of  his  former  labours,  he  was 
entering  on  new  engagements  in  private  life,  with 
the  honours  of  a  well  earned  popularity,  and  the 
richer  treasure  of  domestic  happiness. 

The  relaxation  then  allowed  him  was  hardly  in 
terrupted  by  a  place  in  the  house  of  representa 
tives  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  his  fellow  towns 
men  immediately  elected  him  on  his  return  from 
the  congress  of  the  United  States,  as  a  mark  of 

VOL.  n.  1 


2  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

their  affection  and  respect.*  But  the  habits  of  his 
life  were  too  strongly  interwoven  with  the  public 
interest  to  render  him  an  indifferent  spectator  of 
political  affairs,  which  notwithstanding  the  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities,  were  not  less  alarming  than  dur 
ing  the  most  disastrous  periods  of  the  war. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  had  a 
merely  nominal  existence  in  1786.  Foreign  pow 
ers  beheld  its  weakness  almost  without  disguising 
their  contempt.  They  seemed  to  be  guided  by  a 
belief,  that,  altho'  the  relation  of  the  colonies  to 
Great  Britain  had  been  nominally  dissolved,  there 
was  a  natural  inability  in  a  people  to  preserve  the 
forms  of  self-government,  and  that  a  period  of  an 
archy  would  place  the  spoils  of  freedom  within 
their  reach,  or  that  the  new  nation  would  revert  to 
its  former  dependence,  chastened  and  humbled 
by  the  wearisome  and  useless  exertions  it  had 
made. 

The  condition  of  things  at  home  presented  the 
same  gloomy  appearance.  The  authority  of  con 
gress  had  fallen  from  its  original  dignity.  It  was 
manifest  that  it  could  not  long  compress  or  direct 
the  separate  power  of  the  states,  whose  conflict 
ing  interests  threatened  every  day  a  dissolution  of 
the  confederacy.  The  high  personal  character, 
which  had  once  constituted  the  principal  sanction 

*  Congress  having  passed  a  resolve  for  appointing  commis 
sioners  to  settle  with  the  contractors  of  the  army,  the  office  was 
conferred  on  Mr.  Gerry,  but  lie  declined  accepting  it. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

of  its  measures,  was  departing  from  its  councils. 
The  statesmen  of  the  revolution,  dissatisfied  with 
its  imbecility,  had  mostly  retired  to  other  depart 
ments  ;  the  few  who  remained  were  unable  to  pre 
serve  its  original  energy.  Some  of  them  honestly 
believed  that  its  vitality  could  not  be  prolonged, 
and  that  patriotism  might  permit  it  to  expire,  in 
the  hope  of  evoking  from  its  ashes  a  spirit  of  higher 
capacity  and  power. 


MR.  KING  TO   MR.  GERRY. 

NEW-YORK,  JA.N.  7,  1787. 

MY  OKAR  SIR, 

Congress  is  not  yet  organized,  and  it  is  uncer 
tain  when  it  will  be  ;  the  anxiety  and  dissatisfac 
tion  still  continues,  which  has  for  some  time  exist 
ed,  concerning  the  government  of  these  states. 
Ciod  only  knows  what  will  prove  the  issue.  It  is 
most  certain  that  things  will  not  long  continue  in 
their  present  condition  if  foreseeing  the  dangers 
which  hang  over  us,  we  do  not  unite  in  measures 
calculated  to  establish  the  public  happiness  ;  I  am 
confident  that  no  man  will  be  able  to  bear  up 
against  the  calamitous  events,  which  will  other 
wise  force  themselves  into  existence. 

V'ou  have  seen  the  Virginia  law  for  the  appoint 
ment  of  delegates  to  a  convention  in  Philadelphia 
in  May  ;  (Jen.  Washington,  Mr.  Wythe,  Randolph, 


4  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

Madison  and  others  are  appointed  for  this  con 
vention.  Pennsylvania  have  appointed  Mifflin,  the 
two  Morris,  Fitzsimmons  and  three  others  on  the 
part  of  that  state  ;  Hamilton,  who  is  a  member  of 
the  assembly  of  this  state,  will  exert  himself  to  in 
duce  them  to  send  members  ;  Jay  and  others  are 
opposed  to  the  measure,  not  alone  because  it  is  un 
authorized,  but  from  an  opinion  that  the  result  will 
prove  inefficacious. 

General  Washington  wrill  not  attend,  although 
there  will  be  at  the  same  time  and  place  a  gene 
ral  meeting  of  deputies  from  all  the  state  societies 
of  the  Cincinnati.  If  Massachusetts  should  send 
deputies,  for  Godsake  be  careful  who  are  the 
men  ;  the  times  are  becoming  critical ;  a  movement 
of  this  nature  ought  to  be  carefully  observed  by 
every  member  of  the  community. 

I  beg  you  to  be  assured  of  the  constant  friend 
ship  of 

Your's  sincerely, 

RUFUS  KING. 
Hon.  Mr.  Gerry. 


Among  the  most  obvious  causes  for  the  embar 
rassments  and  distress  of  the  country  was  the  con 
dition  of  its  commerce.  In  separating  from  Great 
Britain,  the  United  States  had  become  with  re 
gard  to  that  country  a  foreign  nation,  and  could 
not  expect  an  exemption  from  her  navigation  laws, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  5 

at  least  without  conceding  an  equivalent,  which 
there  was  no  general  authority  to  regulate  or  prof 
fer.  The  importance  of  the  American  trade  had 
been  felt  both  before  and  during  the  war  of  the 

o 

revolution,  and  it  readily  presented  itself  to  the 
statesmen  of  the  day  as  an  instrument  to  be  used 
for  the  securing  of  reciprocal  advantages  with  the 
commercial  countries  of  Europe.  It  was  therefore 
determined  to  take  such  measures  as  would  place 
this  great  interest  under  one  central  power,  who 
should  direct  it  for  the  general  good,  and  a  con 
vention  for  this  purpose  was  projected  to  assemble 
at  Annapolis  in  Maryland.  Delegates  were  ac 
cordingly  appointed  by  several  states,  to  convene 
there  on  the  first  Monday  of  Sept.  1780;  and  Mas 
sachusetts  authorized  "  Lieut,  governour  Gushing, 
Elbridge  (ierry,  Francis  Dana  and  Stephen  Ilig- 
ginson  to  meet  such  commissioners  as  might  be  ap 
pointed  by  other  states  of  the  union,  for  thr  pur 
pose  of  considering  the  trade  of  the  United  States, 
of  examining  the  relative  situation  and  trade  of  the 
said  states,  of  considering  how  far  an  uniform  sys 
tem  in  their  commercial  regulations  might  be  ne 
cessary  to  their  common  interest  and  permanent 
harmony,  and  of  reporting  to  the  United  States  in 
congress  assembled  such  an  act  relative  to  this 

C5 

great  object  as  when  agreed  to  by  them,  and  con 
firmed  by  the  legislature  of  every  state,  will  en 
able  the  United  States  in  congress  assembled  ef 
fectually  to  provide  for  the  same." 


6  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

In  this  cautious  manner  was  the  first  step  taken 
to  establish  a  government  of  authority  over  the  se 
parate  states.  But  the  measure  was  evidently  too 
limited  and  inefficient  for  the  purposes  intended. 
The  commissioners  from  Massachusetts  viewed  it 
in  this  light,  and  severally  declined  accepting  the 
appointment,  and  the  delegates  of  the  few  states 
who  assembled  at  the  time  designated,  did  little 
more  than  give  currency  to  a  conviction  that  a 
radical  change  in  the  organization  of  the  govern 
ment  would  be  necessary  for  its  safety. 

A  project  was  gradually  maturing  to  hold  a 
general  convention  in  Philadelphia,  with  exten 
sive  powers  and  ampler  duties.  In  Massachusetts 
a  rebellion  had  broken  out  against  the  local  gov 
ernment,  and  the  rebels  had  resorted  to  arms. 
The  utmost  energy  of  the  civil  and  an  expensive 
exertion  of  military  power  was  required  to  suppress 
it.  The  danger  of  such  a  state  of  things,  and  the 
practical  illustration  of  the  doctrine,  that  a  govern 
ment  strong  enough  to  execute  the  laws  was  de 
manded  for  the  personal  security  of  the  citizens, 
turned  men's  minds  more  seriously  to  the  duty  of 
providing  such  stability  as  should  prevent  the  law 
less  repetitions  of  outrage.  The  character  of  the 
state  was  elevated  by  the  firmness  and  decision  of 
its  constituted  authorities,  and  an  argument  deduc 
ed  from  these  circumstances  for  providing  the  same 
useful  power  for  the  emergencies  of  the  nation. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  7 

MR.    KING   TO    MR.    GERRY. 

NEW-YORK,  FEB.  11,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  favourable  situation  of 
the  government  in  the  western  counties ;  Lincoln 
lias  undoubtedly  answered  the  most  sanguine  ex 
pectations  of  his  friends,  and  indeed  I  confess  has 
accomplished,  by  the  aid  of  warrants,  what  I  did 
not  apprehend  could  be  effected  in  that  cautious 
manner  of  proceeding. 

The  declaration  of  the  existence  of  a  rebellion 
will  do  great  honour  to  the  government,  constitu 
tion  and  Massachusetts.  I  can  already  mark  good 
consequences  in  the  opinions,  which  it  authori/es 
relative  to  our  vigour  and  spirit.  I  feel  myself  a 
much  more  important  man  than  I  was  in  the  hu 
mility  of  a  few  days  past. 

I  hope  the  most  extensive  and  minute  attention 
will  now  be  paid  to  the  eradicating  of  every  bccd 
of  insurgency  ;  remember  however  that  punish 
ment  to  be  efficacious  should  not  be  extensive  ; 
a  few  and  those-  of  the  most  consequence  should  be 
the  victims  of  law.  Do  you  attend  the  legisla 
ture  ?  How  will  they  stand  on  the  plan  of  a  con 
vention  at  Philadelphia  ?  For  a  number  of  rea 
sons,  although  my  sentiments  are  the  same  as  to 
the  legality  of  this  measure,  1  think  we  ought  not 
to  oppose,  but  to  coincide  with  this  project.  Let 


8  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  appointment  be  numerous,  and  if  possible  let 
the  men  have  a  good  knowledge  of  the  constitu 
tions  and  various  interests  of  the  several  states, 
and  of  the  good  and  bad  qualities  of  the  confede 
ration. 

Events  are  hurrying  us  to  a  crisis ;  prudent  and 
sagacious  men  should  be  ready  to  seize  the  most 
favourable  circumstances  to  establish  a  more  per 
fect  and  vigorous  government.  I  hope  you  will  be 
at  leisure  to  attend  the  convention.  Madison  is 
here.  I  presume  he  will  be  preparing  himself  for 
the  convention  ;  you  know  he  is  a  delegate  for 
Virginia  ;  he  professes  great  expectation  as  to  the 
good  effects  of  the  measure. 

Farewell,  R.  KING. 


The  articles  of  confederation,  which  feeble  as 
they  were,  yet  formed  the  only  cord  of  connexion 
between  the  states,  did  not  seem  to  authorize  a 
general  convention  of  delegates  without  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  United  States  in  congress  as 
sembled.  In  some  parts  of  the  country  their  ap 
probation  was  not  deemed  indispensable,  in  others 
the  movements  of  the  local  legislatures  were  re 
tarded  by  a  deference  to  the  only  authority,  which 
had  even  the  semblance  of  a  control  over  national 
affairs.  Popular  feeling  soon  gave  a  suitable  di 
rection  to  congress,  and  on  21st  February  1787, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  9 

they  resolved,  in  pursuance  of  the  provisions  of  the 
confederation  that  a  convention  of  delegates,  to  be 
appointed  by  the  several  states,  be  holden  at  Phi 
ladelphia,  on  the  second  Monday  of  that  year,  "  for 
the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  arti 
cles  of  confederation,  and  reporting  to  congress 
and  the  several  legislatures,  such  alterations  and 
provisions  therein,  as  shall,  when  agreed  to  in 
congress  and  confirmed  by  the  states  render  the 
federal  constitution  adequate  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  government  and  the  preservation  of  the 
union." 

This  act  of  congress  gave  all  the  legality,  which 
the  existing  forms  of  government  required  to  the 
proposed  assembly,  and  a  convention  was  formed 
at  the  time  and  place  appointed  in  the  resolve  by 
delegates  from  all  the  states  of  the  union,  except 
ing  Rhode  Island.  Sixty-live  persons  were  elect 
ed  members  of  the  convention.  Of  these,  fifty- 
five  attended  its  sessions.  Six  of  them  had  af 
fixed  their  signature  to  the  declaration  of  inde 
pendence  in  1770.  Among  the  others  were  the 
most  distinguished  names  on  the  merit  roll  of  the 
country,  and  at  their  head  the  illustrious  leader  of 
the  American  armies,  who  again  lent  the  weight 
of  his  high  personal  character  to  secure  with  the 
fortress  of  civil  institutions,  the  liberties  he  had 
protected  through  the  vicissitudes  of  war. 

The  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  10th 
of  March,  appointed  to  the  honourable  and  respon- 

VOL.    u.  2 


10  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

sible  trust  of  representing  its  interests,  and  the 
common  interest  of  the  union  in  the  convention 
at  Philadelphia,  Francis  Dana,  Elbridge  Gerry, 
Nathaniel  Gorham,  Rufus  King  and  Caleb  Strong. 
The  great  importance  attached  to  the  duty  is  de 
monstrated  by  the  imposing  weight  of  character 
selected  for  its  performance. 

The  convention  being  organized,  Edmund  Ran 
dolph,  formerly  go vernour  of  Virginia,  on  29th  May, 
proposed  for  consideration  fifteen  resolutions,  as 
the  groundwork  of  a  constitution,  and  Charles 
Pinckney  of  South  Carolina  offered  a  draught  of 
a  national  government  in  sixteen  articles.  These 
several  propositions  were  referred  to  a  committee 
of  the  whole  convention,  and  formed  a  text  for 
debate. 

The  august  tribunal  to  whom  this  important 
subject  was  intrusted,  was  the  first  in  the  history 
of  mankind  in  which  a  great  and  free  people  had 
undertaken  by  their  representatives  to  establish 
the  principles  and  forms  of  civil  government.  Its 
members  brought  to  the  mighty  task  a  rare  spirit 
of  patriotism  and  unimpeached  integrity.  But 
their  situation  was  wholly  without  precedent. 
Questions  presented  themselves  which  philosophy 
had  never  attempted  to  solve,  nor  experience,  that 
better  teacher  in  politics,  been  called  upon  to  de 
cide. 

The  same  intelligence  arid  ability  of  mind  and 
the  same  honest  desire  to  promote  the  common 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  1  1 

good,  might  from  education  or  habit  or  local 
situation  reason  very  differently  on  topics,  which 
this  convention  were  called  to  decide.  As  the 
condition  of  affairs,  which  rendered  some  modifi 
cation  of  the  existing  government  necessary,  was 
traced  to  one  or  another  set  of  causes,  so  unques 
tionably  would  be  considered  the  propriety  of 
erecting  a  new  building,  or  endeavouring  to  repair 
the  tottering  fabric,  which  had  become  wholly  un- 
suited  to  the  times. 

Among  the  delegates  in  convention  were  many, 
who  had  been  practically  sensible  with  what  limp 
ing  steps  the  measures  of  congress  had  proceed 
ed  in  the  days  of  revolution,  and  how  imperfectly 
its  want  of  authority  had  been  aided  by  such 
auxiliary  motives  as  could  be  brought  to  bear  on 
the  people.  They  had  felt  the  wastefulness  and 
ruin  produced  by  the  negligence  or  the  obstinacy 
of  those,  on  whom  the  government  were  obliged 
to  rely  without  the  power  to  command.  They 
had  beheld  the  army  at  one  time  almost  disband 
ed,  because  there  existed  no  coercive  power  to 
fill  its  ranks  ;  and  famishing  and  free/ing  at  an 
other,  because  there  was  no  lawful  wav  of  appro 
priating  to  its  use  the  resources  of  the  country. 
They  had  seen  the  credit  of  the  country  exhaust 
ed  in  war,  when  vet  it  was  rich  in  those  means 
on  which  credit  miijht  proper! v  be  based  ;  and  in 
peace  they  had  found  commerce  languishing,  in 
dustry  paralyzed,  and  the  character  of  the  nation 


12  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

degraded,  because  no  concentrated  power  could 
direct  its  natural  spirit  of  enterprise,  or  arrange 
with  its  rivals  a  fair  competition  in  proportion 
to  its  means.  These  members  might  naturally 
enough  consider  the  weakness  of  the  public  arm 
as  the  cause  of  general  distress,  and  be  expected 
to  place  their  dependence  for  future  prosperity 
only  on  a  government  strong  enough  to  secure 
obedience  to  its  will. 

On  the  other  side  were  many  among  the  dele 
gates  at  Philadelphia,  who  in  the  appropriate  walks 
of  civil  life  had  first  been  called  to  withstand  the 
encroachments  of  established  authority  ;  who  had 
commenced  their  labours  in  the  public  service  by 
investigating  and  explaining  the  rights  of  the  peo 
ple  in  opposition  to  the  claims  of  the  government ; 
who  had  learned  as  an  axiom  in  politics,  that 
power,  by  its  own  appropriate  energy,  however 
obtained,  or  by  whomsoever  possessed,  will  in 
crease  and  extend  and  perpetuate  itself;  and  trac 
ing  to  this  principle  all  the  misery  and  desolation 
of  the  recent  war,  and  all  the  sufferings  and  sa 
crifices,  which  had  been  required  to  bring  it  to  a 
close,  might  very  reasonably  entertain  a  jealousy 
of  every  depositary  of  political  power  and  rely  for 
the  security  of  public  liberty  on  the  inability  of 
invading  it. 

With  too  little  power  in  the  government,  it  was 
obvious  that  neither  independence  nor  tranquillity 
could  be  preserved ;  with  too  much,  a  battery 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  13 

would  be  erected  hostile  to  liberty.  Where  was 
the  exact  point  in  which  the  advantages  of  autho 
rity  could  be  realized  without  its  dangers,  and 
freedom  preserved  without  the  hazard  of  anarchy  ? 
On  this  great  question  the  records  of  history  were 
silent ;  the  memorials  of  former  ages  were  those 
of  licentiousness  or  despotism.  Rulers  and  peo 
ple  were  so  constantly  in  conflict  that  hostility  be 
tween  them  seemed  an  unavoidable  condition  of 
human  society. 

On  such  a  debateable  field  it  is  not  surprising 
that  the  members  of  the  American  convention 
could  at  firs.t  find  no  neutral  ground.  In  addition 
to  the  difficulties  already  enumerated  others  exist 
ed  in  the  condition  of  the  country,  scarcely  less 
perplexing.  The  delegates  who  assembled  were 
representatives  of  sovereign  states,  met  together 
in  confederacy,  each  of  whose  members  was  equal 
to  either  of  the  others.  In  its  integral  character, 
each  state  exercised  all  the  powers  of  an  inde 
pendent  political  body,  and  the  new  sovereignty, 
if  one  was  to  be  created,  could  obtain  no  other 
authority  than  what  was  shorn  from  these  separate 
parts.  But  the  equality  existing  amonir  these; 
parts  was  that  of  rights,  and  not  of  strength. 
They  differed  among  themselves  in  territory,  po 
pulation,  wealth,  physical  and  moral  resources 
and  in  whatever  other  means  of  advancement  one 
people  could  have  over  another.  If  a  contribution 
to  the  common  head  was  to  be  made  in  proportion 


14  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

to  the  relative  condition  of  the  parts,  they  would 
retain  after  the  existence  of  the  new  government, 
all  their  original  inequality,  and  the  smaller  having 
an  inferior  share  of  power,  could  not  be  expected 
very  cordially  to  accede  to  the  plan.  If  any  other 
principle  was  adopted,  a  sacrifice  would  be  exact 
ed  of  the  larger,  in  which  it  was  against  all  the 
analogies  of  human  conduct  to  expect  they  would 
readily  concur. 

Concession  and  compromise  became  therefore 
indispensable  ;  but  whatever  is  thus  produced, 
though  it  may  have  the  support  of  all,  rarely  pos 
sesses  the  approbation  of  any. 

When  the  common  good  is  to  be  purchased  by 
individual  sacrifice,  he  whose  former  rights  are 
curtailed  finds  it  often  very  difficult  to  realize  that 
he  has  received  an  equivalent  in  exchange.  There 
will  naturally  be  a  struggle  to  make  the  substrac- 
tion  as  little  as  possible,  and  a  reluctance  both  in 
demanding  and  yielding,  which  may  destroy  the 
beneficial  purposes  of  the  original  design.  The 
inconvenience  of  this  state  of  things  was  fully  felt 
by  the  delegates  at  Philadelphia. 

A  question  of  authority  early  presented  itself 
for  the  consideration  of  the  convention,  and  might 
by  one  form  of  decision  have  been  fatal  to  the 
hopes  of  the  country.  The  resolve  of  the  conti 
nental  congress  authorized  the  assembling  of  de 
legates  for  the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revis 
ing  the  articles  of  the  confederation  and  reporting 


LIFE   OF   ELBIUDGE   GERRY.  15 

amendments.  The  commission  to  the  Massachu 
setts  members,  and  to  all  others  appointed  by  a 
state  legislature  under  the  operation  of  this  act, 
expressly  or  by  necessary  implication  confined 
their  authority  to  this  exact  object.  The  mem 
bers  from  Virginia  and  some  others  had  been  ap 
pointed  in  pursuance  of  the  recommendation  made 
by  the  former  convention  at  Annapolis,  indepen 
dent  of  any  resolve  of  congress,  and  were  not 
therefore  absolutely  bound  by  its  terms.  Not 
withstanding  this  difference,  was  it  not  the  ex 
pectation  of  the  whole  people  that  the  confede 
ration  should  be  revised  merely  and  not  destroyed  ; 
that  amendments  should  be  made  to  the  old  sys 
tem  and  not  that  a  new  one  should  be  formed, 
and  would  the  adoption  of  either  of  the  plans  pro 
posed  conform  to  the  authority  of  the  delegates  ? 

This  question,  which  is  not  without  plausibility 
on  either  side,  was  ol  primary  importance  in  an 
assembly  which  could  not  consistently  begin  a  sys 
tem  of  free  government  in  an  act  of  usurpation,  or 
expect  the  confidence  of  the  people  \\hile  they 
transgressed  their  authority.  It  was  sei/ed  upon 
with  masterly  skill  bv  some  members  of  the  con 
vention  who  iound  that  the;  majority  were  likely 
to  adopt  a  system,  which  they  could  not  approve, 
and  who  hoped  by  the  practice  of  legislative  tac 
tics  ot  this  sort  to  deleat  what  they  could  not  in 
any  other  way  successfully  oppose.  13 ut  the  con- 


16  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

vention  was  rather  a  committee  to  advise,  than  a 
senate  to  decree ;  they  could  only  recommend, 
they  could  not  enact ;  and  however  limited  might 
have  been  the  request,  which  their  constituents 
made  of  them,  no  harm  could  be  done  by  submit 
ting  to  the  deliberation  and  good  sense  of  the 
community  what  the  authority  of  the  people,  and 
not  the  acts  of  the  convention  must  afterwards 
legalize  in  order  to  give  it  effect. 

If  the  authority  conferred  by  congress  or  by  the 
several  states  on  the  convention  at  Philadelphia, 
extended  only  to  the  proposing  of  repairs  in  the 
old  edifice,  it  is  fortunate  they  were  bold  enough 
to  disregard  the  strict  letter  of  their  duty  in  a 
fair  execution  of  the  spirit  of  it,  and  instead  of 
propping  up  the  disjointed  and  crazy  building  to 
commence  that  splendid  architecture,  in  which 
safely  reposes  the  liberties  of  their  country.  In 
deciding  thus  to  do,  the  division  was  not  made  by 
the  line,  which  finally  distinguished  the  different 
parties.  All  the  members  from  Massachusetts 
were  in  the  majority. 

When  these  preliminaries  were  settled,  the  way 
was  yet  hardly  opened  for  the  successful  prosecu 
tion  of  the  grand  design.  Another  question  pre 
sented  itself  not  connected  with  any  difficulties  of 
detail.  It  was,  whether  the  new  constitution 
should  establish  a  federal  or  a  national  govern 
ment  ;  that  is  to  say,  whether  it  should  act  upon 
the  states  as  states,  or  upon  the  people  compos- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  17 

ing  the  states  in  their  individual  capacity  of  citi 
zens.  This  important  question  was  not  only  to  be 
decided  prior  to  all  arrangements  about  the  powers 
or  form  of  the  new  government,  but  it  entered  so 
intimately  into  every  part  of  the  system,  that  it 
was  a  constantly  recurring  cause  of  dissension  and 
debate. 

The  propositions  of  governonr  Randolph,  or  as 
they  were  commonly  called,  the  Virginia  plan, 
avowedly  constituted  a  national  government,  but 
the  tone  and  vigour  of  the  government  was  to  be 
raised  or  depressed,  not  more  by  the  degree  of 
power  to  be  given  to  it,  than  the  manner  in  which 
its  power  should  be  deposited.  \\  henever  that 
art  of  the,'  Virginia  plan  was  under  consideration 


I 

in  which  these  points  were  presented,  »reat  con 
trariety  of  opinion  among  the  members  was  alarm 
ingly  made  manifest. 

The  discussions,  which  these  important  and  con 
flicting  subjects  excited,  occupied  the  convention 
until  the  1.0 til  June.  During  this  period  the  dis 
position  of  the  members  was  in  a  good  decree  de 
veloped,  the  advantage  of  concerted  action  was 
apparent,  and  the  union  thus  produced  began  to 
establish  something  like  the  lines  of  party.  The 
courteous  and  conciliatory  temper  with  which  the 
session  commenced,  though  sometimes  infringed  in 
the  ardour  of  debate,  still  maintained  its  influence 
among  the  members,  while  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  any  satisfactory  conclusion  began  to  present 

VOL.  ii.  3 


18  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

themselves  in  a  manner,  which  it  was  feared  com 
promise  could  not  remove. 

In  this  stage  of  the  convention  Mr.  Patterson 
of  New  Jersey  offered  a  series  of  resolutions  pro 
posing  what  he  considered  a  plan  of  government 
strictly  federative,  in  contradistinction  to  that  al 
ready  discussed,  which  was  supposed  to  be  wholly 
national. 

These  resolutions  resulted  from  the  consultations 
of  members  dissatisfied  with  the  schemes  hitherto 
debated,  and  by  way  of  distinction  were  called  the 
Jersey  resolutions.      In  the  forms  of  proceeding, 
according  to  the  rules  and   orders  of  the  house, 
they  wTere  moved  as  a  substitute  for  the  plan  of 
Virginia.     The  differences  between  the  two  were 
principally  the  following  :   The  Virginia  plan  pro 
posed  a  legislature,  to  derive  its  powers  from  the 
people,  and  to  consist  of  two  branches.     The  Jer 
sey  resolutions  deduced   the  legislative   authority 
from   the   states,  and  vested  it  in  a  single  body. 
By  the  Virginia  plan,  as  it  was  then   drawn   out, 
the  legislative  authority  extended   to  all  national 
concerns,  had  a  veto  on  all   state  laws,  and  could 
be  directed  by  the  will  of  the  majority.     The  Jer 
sey  resolutions  confined  this  authority  to  certain 
enumerated  subjects  and  required  in  many  cases, 
the  concurrence  of  more  than  a  majority  of  mem 
bers.     The   Virginia   plan    placed    the    executive 
power  in  a  single  officer,  removable  only  by  im 
peachment  ;  the  other  placed  the  executive  power 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  19 

in  a  plural  number,  removable  on  application  of  a 
majority  of  the  states.  The  Virginia  plan  provid 
ed  lor  inferior  judiciary  tribunals  ;  that  of  New 
Jersey  made  no  arrangement  in  this  particular. 

At  this  period  it  is  obvious  that  the  convention 
had  made  but  little  progress  in  the  scheme  of  that 
splendid  edifice,  alike  bold  and  beautiful,  which 
they  afterwards  completed. 

The  two  plans  were  however  sufficiently  mark 
ed    and    distinct    to   bring  on    again    discussions, 
which  well  nigh  caused   the  convention   to  sepa 
rate.     The  views  and  feelings  of  the  members  had 
by  this  time  become  pretty  well  understood  among 
themselves.     An  observer  of  no  common  accuracy 
and  intellectual  strength,  in  an  official  communica 
tion  justifying  his  own  final  negative,  has  classed 
them  in  three  parties,  of  very  different  sentiments. 
One,  though  a  small  one,  wished  to  abolish  and  an 
nihilate  all  state  governments,   and   to   bring  for 
ward  one  general  government  over   this  extensive 
continent,  of  a  monarchical  nature,  under  certain 
restrictions  and  limitations.    The  second  party  was 
not  for  the  abolition  of  the  state  governments,  nor 
for  the  introduction  of  a  monarchical  government 
under  any  form,  but  they  wished  to  establish  such 
a  system  as   could  give    their  own  states  undue 
power  and  influence   in   the  government  over  the 
other  states.      It  is  in  this  second  class  he  intend 
ed  to  include  both  Mr.  Cicrry  and  governour  Ran 
dolph.      If,    by    undue   power    and  influence,  the 


20  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

learned  commentator  meant  only  that  power  and 
influence  which  wealth,  population  and  territory, 
would  naturally  confer  in  an  association  where 
these  were  unequally  possessed,  the  description  is 
not  to  be  complained  of  as  unfair. 

Another  party,  according  to  the  same  writer, 
considered  by  him  truly  federal  and  republican, 
and  nearly  equal  in  number  to  the  other  two,  were 
for  proceeding  upon  terms  of  federal  equality  ;  they 
were  for  taking  the  existing  system  as  the  basis  of 
their  proceedings,  and  remedying  such  defects,  or 
giving  such  new  powers  as  experience  made  ne 
cessary.  The  existing  system,  it  is  known,  ac 
knowledged  the  perfect  equality  of  all  and  every 
of  the  confederated  states.  From  this  latter  party 
emanated  the  Jersey  resolutions. 

In  the  discussions,  which  followed  the  introduc 
tion  of  the  resolutions  from  Jersey,  col.  Hamilton, 
from  New- York,  presented  his  views  in  a  scheme 
altogether  different  from  either,  which  had  come 
before  the  convention.  He  said  he  had  well 
considered  the  subject,  and  was  convinced  that  no 
amendment  of  the  confederation  could  answer  the 
purpose  of  a  good  government,  so  long  as  state  go 
vernments  did  in  any  shape  exist,  and  he  had  great 
doubts  whether  a  national  government  on  the  New 
Jersey  plan  could  be  made  effectual.  The  scheme 
of  col.  Hamilton  proposed  that  the  legislature 
should  consist  of  two  branches,  the  one  to  be  elect 
ed  for  three  years,  the  other  for  good  behaviour, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  21 

the  former  by  the  people,  the  latter  by  electors 
chosen  by  the  people.  The  executive  was  to  con 
sist  of  a  single  individual,  with  the  unpretending 
name  of  governour,  to  be  elected  by  electors  chosen 
by  electors  elected  by  the  people,  to  hold  his  of 
fice  during  good  behaviour,  to  have  the  sole  ap 
pointment  of  the  chief  officers  of  the  departments, 
and  the  nomination  of  all  others  except  ministers 
to  foreign  courts.  The  government  of  the  Union 
was  also  to  appoint  the  chief  executive  magistrate 
of  each  of  the  states,  in  whom  was  to  be  placed 
an  unqualified  power  of  negativing  any  law  about 
to  be  passed  in  the  state  over  which  he;  presided. 

The  inferior  points  of  his  system  conformed  to 
the  boldness  of  these  prominent  parts.* 

*  Journal  of  cong.  p.  130.  Pickering's  Review,  p.  17*2.  Mar 
shall's  biography  of  Washington,  in  a  note  to  page  353  of  vol.5, 
adds,  "It  has  been  published  by  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
that  he  was  in  favour  of  a  president  and  senate  who  should  hold 
their  otlice  during  good  behaviour."  Whether  by  enemy  or 
friend  the  publication  was  substantially  true,  unless  indeed  some 
equivocation  may  be  played  upon  the  words  "  in  favour,"  and 
that  it  may  be  conceived  he  was  in  fact  not  in  favour  of  his  own 
proposition. 

Col.  II.  himself,  in  a  letter  to  Col.  Pickering  in  1^03,  when  the 
extreme  unpopularity  of  such  a  proposition  was  most  manifest, 
and  after  the  overthrow  of  the  political  party  of  which  those 
gentlemen  were  the  chiefs,  owing,  as  it  unquestionably  was,  to 
their  high  toned  notions  of  government,  availed  himself  of  some 
such  ingenious  distinction.  He  avows  making  the  proposition, 
which  it  was  well  known  to  him  was  on  record,  and  would  one 
day  be  published.  "The  highest  toned  propositions,  which  I 
made  in  the  convention  were  for  a  president,  senate  and  judges, 
during  good  behaviour ;"  but  he  leaves  the  reader  to  infer  that 


22  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

It  is  probable  the  three   schemes  at  that  time 
before  the  convention,  may  be   considered  as  au- 

his  mind  had  not  settled  down  definitively  in  approbation  of  his 
own  proposals.  "  I  may  add  (he  says,  referring  to  his  project  in 
convention)  that  in  the  course  of  the  discussions  in  the  conven 
tion,  neither  the  propositions  tin-own  out  for  debate,  nor  even 
those  voted  in  the  earlier  stages  of  deliberation,  were  considered 
as  evidences  of  a  deliberative  opinion  in  the  proposer  or  voter." 
That  they  show  the  tendency  and  bias  of  the  proposer's  mind 
can  hardly  admit  of  doubt.  But  the  apology  is  unavailing.  His 
proposition  was  not  thrown  out  for  debate.  He  did  not  venture 
to  urge  a  direct  discussion  of  it ;  but  that  it  was  no  light  or  ca 
sual  suggestion  is  proved  by  the  dignity  of  the  place  and  the  high 
intellectual  character  of  the  speaker,  and  by  the  strong  corrobo 
rative  language  at  other  times  used  by  him  in  the  course  of  dis 
cussion.  Nor  can  it  be  excused  on  the  idea  that  it  was  in  the 
earliest  stages  of  deliberation.  The  proposition  was  made  on 
the  18th  day  of  June,  when  the  general  sentiments  of  the  dele 
gates  had  matured  and  ripened,  and  when  parties  marked  by 
their  settled  peculiarities  of  opinion  were  already  defined.  It 
was  introduced  on  a  great  and  grave  occasion,  when  the  whole 
force  and  strength  of  each  individual  was  called  into  exertion, 
and  at  a  time  when  the  existence  of  any  constitution  might 
depend  on  a  single  vote.  There  is  a  completeness  in  the 
scheme  of  col.  H.  which  might  excuse  a  man  from  being  consid 
ered  among  his  "  enemies"  if  he  did  publish  that  the  proposer 
was  in  favour  of  something  more  than  a  republican  government. 

The  appointment  of  a  governour  to  each  state  by  the  executive 
of  the  union,  and  the  unqualified  veto,  which  such  governour 
would  have  on  the  state  legislatures,  would  so  fur  change  the 
relative  character  of  the  state  governments  that  a  friend  of  state 
sovereignty  might  be  excused  for  considering  them  annihilated  ; 
yet,  in  his  letter  above  cited,  col.  II.  declares,  "  I  never  contem 
plated  the  abolition  of  the  state  governments." 

Col.  Hamilton's  system  was  introduced  by  a  speech,  in 
which  he  maintained  and  defended  the  principles,  which  led  to 
such  startling  and  novel  results.  In  a  mode  of  illustration  not 
exactly  in  the  style  of  eloquence  for  which  he  was  afterwards 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  23 

thorizing  the  remark  of  the  attorney  general  of 
Maryland  before  alluded  to  ;  at  any  rate  they  pre 
sented  three  forms  of  government,  as  distinet  from 
each  other,  as  the  classes  into  which,  according 
to  his  account,  the  convention  were  divided. 

The  plan  of  colonel    Hamilton  was   never  dis 
tinctly  brought  into   debate  ;    that  of  New  Jersey 
was,  after  a  sharp  contest,  on  motion  of  Mr.  King, 
voted  to  be  inadmissible  ;  and  again   the   conven 
tion   seriously  betook    themselves   to   the    task    of 
arranging  in  detail  the  successive  propositions  first 
submitted  from  Virginia.      In  this  object,  however, 
the  predominant  feelings  of  the  friends  of  the  re 
jected  systems  were  constantly  appearing  in  their 
contrarient  efforts  to  consolidate  the  national  pow 
er,  or  to  strengthen  the  authority  of  the  states,  and 
to  give  a  more  popular  form   to  the    projected  go 
vernment.      As  an   example   of  this  may  be  men 
tioned  the    debate  on   the    tenure    of  the    office  of 
senator.      On  one  side  it  was  moved  (by  Mr.  Read 
of  Delaware)  that  it  should  be  during   ^ood  beha 
viour.      Nine,  seven,  six  and  four  vears  were  sever 
ally   proposed  ;   Mr.   Sherman   of  Connecticut   re 
marked,  a  bad  government    is  the  worse  for  being 

distinguished,  ho  remarked,  "  1  confess  that  my  plnn  and  that 
from  Virginia,  are  very  remote  from  the  ideas  of  the  people. 
IVrh.-ips  the  Jersey  plan  is  nearer  their  expectation.  Hut  the 
people  are  gradualh  ripening  in  their  opinions  of  <.'o\ernmcnt— 
they  begin  to  he  tired  of  an  excess  of  democracy  ;  and  what 
even  is  the  Virginia  plan  but  pork  still,  \vith  a  little  change  of 
tho  sauce." 


24  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

long.  Frequent  elections  give  security  and  even 
permanency.  In  Connecticut  we  have  existed 
132  years  under  an  annual  government,  and  as 
as  long  as  a  man  behaves  himself  well,  he  is  never 
turned  out. 

Col.  Hamilton.  We  are  now  forming  a  repub 
lican  government.  Real  liberty  is  neither  found 
in  despotism  or  the  extremes  of  democracy,  but 
in  moderate  governments.  Those  who  mean  to 
form  a  solid  republican  government,  ought  to  pro 
ceed  to  the  confines  of  another  government. 

Mr.  Gerry.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  Ameri 
can  people  have  the  greatest  aversion  to  monarchy, 
and  the  nearer  the  new  government  approaches  to 
it,  the  less  chance  have  we  for  their  approbation. 

After  this  debate  the  question  was  carried  for 
five  years,  and  a  biennial  rotation. 

But  the  utmost  strength  of  the  opposing  par 
ties  was  displayed  on  the  question  of  representa 
tion.  It  was  now  well  understood  that  neither 
the  federative  plan  of  New  Jersey  nor  the  monar 
chical  scheme  offered  by  the  delegate  from  New- 
York,  could  be  successful,  but  that  the  Virginia 
resolutions  must  be  modified  to  the  acceptance 
of  the  convention  or  its  members  would  separate 
without  corning  to  any  result. 

But  this  again  brought  into  operation  all  those 
principles,  feelings  and  attachments,  general  and 
local,  by  which  the  several  parties  in  the  conven 
tion  were  already  designated.  To  preserve  under 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  25 

a  national  government  that  federative  principle, 
which  should  give  each  member  of  the  confedera 
cy  an  equality  of  power  still  continued  the  first 
object  of  the  advocates  of  state  rights,  which  those 
who  were  desirous  of  a  consolidated  government, 
and  those  who  were  willing  to  preserve  the  state 
sovereignties  in  their  relative  importance  here 
found  a  common  ground,  on  which  their  efforts 
miirht  be  united. 

c3 

The  difficulties  on  this  perplexing  subject,  and 
the  fluctuating  opinions  of  the  convention  are  seen 
in  the  progress  of  the  examination,  and  the  differ 
ent  votes  of  the  convention  at  different  times. 
Governour  Randolph's  original  draught  directed 
the  members  of  the  first*  branch  to  be  chosen  by 
the  people  of  the  states  and  those  of  the  second 
by  the  first,  out  of  a  proper  number  of  persons 
nominated  by  the  individual  legislatures,  but  their 
relative  numbers  were  not  defined  by  him.  In 
the  debate  on  7th  June,  this  was  altered,  and  it 
was  resolved  that  the  members  of  the  second  branch 
should  be  chosen  by  the  state  legislatures.  On 
the  1 1th  June,  the  convention  decided  that  "the 
right  of  suffrage  in  the  first  branch  of  the  nation 
al  legislature  ought  not  to  be  according  to  the  rule 
established  in  the  articles  of  confederation,"  (which 
gave  each  state  one  vote)  "  but  according  to 

*  In   the  early  period  of  the  convention  the  popular  branch 
of  the  legislature  was  usually  culled  the  first:  and  the  senate  the 
second.     It  was  subsequently  changed. 
VOL.    II.  4 


26  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

some  equitable  ratio  of  representation,"  and  after 
wards  that  the  representation  should  be  in  pro 
portion  to  the  whole  number  of  white  and  other 
free  citizens  of  every  age,  sex  and  condition, 
including  those  bound  to  servitude  for  a  term  of 
years,  and  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons  not 
comprehended  in  the  foregoing  description,  except 
Indians,  not  paying  taxes  in  each  state."  And  this 
modification  was  at  that  time  agreed  to  by  all  the 
states  but  New  Jersey  and  Delaware.  The  con 
vention  then  refused  to  sustain  a  motion  that  in 
the  second  branch  of  the  national  legislature  each 
state  should  have  one  vote,  but  resolved  that  the 
right  of  suffrage  in  the  second  branch  ought  to  be 
according  to  the  rule  established  for  the  first,  which 
latter  proposition  was  supported  by  all  the  large 
states  and  opposed  by  all  the  small  ones,  except 
ing  only  that  New- York  voted  against  it. 

As  yet  however  nothing  definite  was  settled. 
The  several  propositions  of  governour  Randolph 
and  the  modifications  and  amendments  of  the  con 
vention  were  on  the  1 9th  June  presented  by  the 
committee  of  the  whole  to  the  house  in  the  shape, 
which  the  votes  of  the  committee  had  given  them, 
by  which  it  appeared  to  be  the  sense  of  the  com 
mittee  that  the  equality  of  the  states  was  not  to 
be  allowed  in  either  branch  of  the  legislature,  but 
a  rule  was  to  be  established  according  to  some 
equitable  ratio  of  representation,  which  ratio  was 
yet  to  be  ascertained.  On  the  question  whether 


LIFE   OF    ELHR1DGC   GERRY.  27 

these  resolutions  should  l>e  accepted  by  the  house 
they  who  disapproved  the  report,  u  found  it  ne 
cessary"  to  use  the  words  of  the  attorney  general 
of  Maryland  "to  make  a  warm  and  decided  oppo 
sition,"  to  which  he  himself  contributed  by  speak 
ing  "  HjHrnrds  of  three  hours"  The  report  in 
favour  of  inequality  in  the  first  branch  was  sus 
tained,  but  when  the  question  on  a  like  inequality 
in  the  second  branch  was  taken  in  the  conven 
tion,  five  states  were  in  favour  and  five  against  it  ; 
the  vote  of  the  eleventh,  which  had  only  two 
members  on  the  floor,  bein^  lost  by  division  of 
opinion  between  tin;  delegates. 

In  such  a  state  of  disagreement  as  to  this  most 
important  and  essential  part  of  the  system,  the 
convention  miijht  well  be  considered  as  approach 
ing  to  the  termination  of  I  heir  labours,  and  aban 
doning  to  all  the  storms  of  anarchy  the  country, 
which  they  had  not  ability  to  preserve.  But  the 
good  genius  of  the  nation  prevailed.  A  commit 
tee  of  compromise  was  appointed,  consisting  ol 
one  from  each  state,  of  \\hieh  Mr.  (Jerry  was 
elected  chairman,  who  reported  that  happy  ar 
rangement,  which  substantially  now  forms  the  con 
stitution  of  the  Tinted  States.  It  was  not  how 
ever  accomplished  without  great  difficulty,  and 
produced  new  discussions  in  the  committee  ol  a 
like  temper  and  earnestness  with  that,  which  had 
marked  the  discussions  in  the  house,  \\emct, 
says  Mr.  Martin,  and  discussed  the  subject  of 


28  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

difference ;  the  one  side  insisted  on  inequality 
of  suffrage  in  both  branches,  the  other  insisted  on 
equality  in  both  ;  each  party  was  tenacious  of  its 
sentiments.  When  it  was  found  that  nothing  could 
induce  us  to  yield  the  inequality  in  both  branches, 
they  at  length  proposed  by  way  of  compromise, 
if  we  would  accede  to  their  wishes  as  to  the  first 
branch,  they  would  agree  to  the  equal  representa 
tion  in  the  second.  To  this  it  was  answered,  that 
there  was  no  merit  in  the  proposal ;  it  was  only 
consenting,  after  they  had  struggled  to  put  both 
their  feet  on  our  necks,  to  take  one  of  them  off, 
provided  we  would  consent  to  let  them  keep  the 
other  on,  when  they  knew  at  the  same  time,  they 
could  not  put  one  foot  on  our  necks,  unless  wre 
would  consent  to  it,  and  that  by  being  permitted 
to  keep  on  that  one  foot,  they  would  afterwards  be 
able  to  place  the  other  foot  on  whenever  they 
pleased. 

A  majority  of  the  select  committee  (he  conti 
nues)  at  length  agreed  to  a  series  of  propositions 
by  way  of  compromise,  part  of  which  related  to 
the  representation  in  the  first  branch  nearly  as  the 
system  is  now  published,  and  part  of  them  to  the 
second  branch,  securing  in  that  an  equal  represent 
ation,  and  reported  them  as  a  compromise  upon 
the  express  terms  that  they  were  wholly  to  be  ac 
cepted  or  wholly  to  be  rejected ;  upon  this  com 
promise  a  great  number  of  the  members  so  far  en 
gaged  themselves  that  if  the  system  was  progress- 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  29 

ed  upon  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  compromise 
they  would  lend  it  their  names  by  signing  it,  and 
would  not  actively  oppose  it,  if  their  states  should 
appear  inclined  to  adopt  it.  Some  however,  in 
which  number  was  myself,  who  joined  in  the  re 
port,  agreed  to  proceed  upon  those  principles,  and 
see  what  kind  of  a  system  would  ultimately  be 
formed  upon  it,  yet  reserved  to  themselves  in  the 
most  explicit  manner  the  right  of  finally  giving  a 
solemn  dissent  to  the  system  if  it  was  thought  by 
them  inconsistent  with  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  their  country.  This  will  explain  why  the  mem 
bers  of  the  convention  so  generally  signed  their 
names  to  the  system  ;  not  because  they  thoroughly 
approved  or  thought  it  a  proper  one,  but  because 
they  thought  it  better  than  the  system  attempted 
to  be  forced  on  them. 

This  report  of  the  select  committee  was  after 
long  dissension  adopted  bv  a  majority  of  the  con 
vention,  and  the  system  was  proceeded  in  accord 
ingly.  Near  a  fortnight,  perhaps  more,  was  spent 
in  the  discussion  of  this  business,  during  which  we 
were  on  the  verge  of  dissolution,  scarce  held  to 
gether  by  the  strength  of  a  hair,  though  the  public 
papers  were  announcing  our  extreme  unanimity. 

The  report  produced  by  the  committee  of  com 
promise,  and  accepted  by  the  house,  established 
the  relative  rank  of  the  several  states  as  they  would 
stand  in  representation  under  the  forms  of  the  new 
constitution,  a  great  and  difficult  subject,  but  not 


SO  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  only  one,  which  had  occasioned  an  alarming  di 
versity  of  opinion. 

The  chairman  of  that  committee,  without  pledg 
ing  himself  for  his  vote  on  the  final  questions  before 
the  convention,  laboured  to  bring  about  a  satisfac 
tory  result  of  this  intricate  subject,  which  ought  to 
exculpate  him  from  every  suspicion  of  being  hostile 
to  the  specific  objects  of  the  convention,  or  of 
maintaining  an  irreconcilable  animosity  to  the  plan 
in  progress. 

At  the  time  when  this  important  committee 
were  endeavouring  to  reconcile  the  conflicting 
sentiments  of  their  colleagues,  it  is  evident  he 
must  have  been  sensible  of  the  advantage  of  ac 
complishing  the  duty  assigned  him,  and  that  there 
was  a  possible,  and  even  highly  probable  expect 
ation  of  doing  so  in  the  way  indicated  by  the  course 
the  convention  had  pursued. 

Factious  hostility  to  any  rational  form  of  gene 
ral  government,  imputed  to  those  who  did  not  con 
cur  in  the  eventual  labours  of  the  delegates,  can 
with  no  propriety  be  charged  on  one  who  devoted 
so  many  anxious  hours  to  the  elaborating  a  practi 
cable  scheme  as  was  employed  by  the  members  of 
this  efficient  committee,  in  whose  power  it  would 
have  been,  at  any  moment,  to  have  brought  the 
business  of  the  convention  to  an  unsuccessful  ter 
mination. 

The  report  of  this  committee,  by  affording  some 
prospect  that  one  of  the  most  unmanageable  points 


LIFE   OF    ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  31 

of  controversy  was  not  fatally  decisive  of  success, 
revived  the  hopes  of  the  assembly,  and  excited  a 
new  spirit  of  exertion.  A  draught  of  the  consti 
tution,  as  it  was  presented  by  the  resolutions  adopt 
ed  in  the  progress  of  discussion,  was  printed  for  the 
exclusive  use  of  the  members.  After  being  again 
revised  and  amended,  a  new  edition  was  printed 
for  the  same  purpose.  Both  of  them,  and  more 
essentially  the  first,  differ  from  the  instrument, 
which  received  the  signature  of  the  members  and 
became  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  In  these 
documents  the  modifications  successively  made  in 
the  form  of  the  constitution  may  be  traced,  some 
of  them  serving  only  to  show  the  slow  progress  by 
which  the  charter  of  government  attained  its  even 
tual  excellence,  and  others  marking  changes  of  a 
serious  character,  which  the  maturer  judgment,  or 
often  the  temporizing  policy  of  the  parties  recom 
mended  for  adoption. 

These  tracks  of  the  progress  of  the  convention 
are  like  old  charts  of  a.  \\ell  known  coast,  more  re 
garded  by  the  antiquary,  who  traces  out  the  errors 
of  the  first  adventurers,  than  by  the  navigator  who 
has  no  interest  beyond  the  most  recent  discoveries. 
They  will  not  however  escape  the  researches 
of  a  curiosity  eager  to  take  every  shoal  and  current 
in  the  great  sea  of  political  liberty. 

The  preamble  to  the  first  printed  copy  of  the 
proposed  constitution  differs  from  the  one  finally 
accepted  in  omitting  to  state  the  objects  for  which 


32  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

the  constitution  is  framed.  It  is  simply,  "  We, 
the  people  of  the  states  of  New-Hampshire,  &c. 
do  ordain,  declare  and  establish  the  following  con 
stitution,  for  the  government  of  ourselves  and  our 
posterity." 

With  regard  to  the  executive  power  are  the  fol 
lowing  provisions  : 

The  executive  power  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  vested  in  a  single  person.  His  style  shall  be 
The  President  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
and  his  title  shall  be  his  Excellency.  He  shall 
be  elected  by  joint  ballot  by  the  legislature.  He 
shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  seven  years, 
but  shall  not  be  elected  a  second  time. 

He  shall  appoint  officers  in  all  cases  not  other 
wise  provided  by  this  constitution. 

He  shall  be  commander  in  chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia 
of  the  several  states."  The  important  limitation 
now  found  in  the  constitution,  confining  this  au 
thority  over  the  militia  to  their  being  in  actual  ser 
vice,  is  omitted." 

There  is  no  recognition  of  a  vice-president. 

With  regard  to  the  legislative  power  there  are 
the  following  provisions : 

The  legislative  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  con 
gress,  to  consist  of  two  separate  and  distinct  bo 
dies  of  men,  a  house  of  representatives  and  a  se 
nate. 

All  bills  for  raising  or  appropriating  money,  and 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  33 

for  fixing  the  salaries  of  the  officers  of  government, 
shall  originate  in  the  house  of  representatives  and 
shall  not  be  altered  or  amended  by  the  senate. 
No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but 
in  pursuance  of  appropriations  that  shall  originate 
in  the  house  of  representatives. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  by  the  legislature 
on  articles  exported  from  any  state,  nor  on  the  mi 
gration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  the  seve 
ral  states  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  nor  shall 
such  migration  or  importation  be  prohibited. 

The  legislature  of  the  United  States  shall  have 
authority  to  establish  such  uniform  qualifications 
of  the  members  of  each  house,  with  regard  to  pro 
perty,  as  to  the  said  legislature  shall  seem  expe 
dient.  The  members  of  each  house  shall  be  ine 
ligible  and  incapable  of  holding  any  civil  office  un 
der  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  during  the 
time  for  which  they  shall  respectively  be  elected, 
and  the  members  of  the  senate  shall  be  ineligible 
to,  and  incapable  of  holding  any  such  office  for 
one  year  afterwards. 

The  members  of  each  house  shall  receive  com 
pensation  for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  and 
paid  by  the  state  in  which  they  shall  be  chosen. 

Of  the  senate  it  is  declared, 

The  senate  of  the  United  States  shall  hare 
power  to  make  treaties,  and  to  appoint  ambassa 
dors,  and  judges  of  the  supreme  court. 

VOL.  N.  5 


34  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

The  senate  shall  choose  its  own  president,  and 
other  officers. 

Authority  is  also  given  to  the  senate  to  consti 
tute  a  special  court,  composed  of  commissioners, 
to  decide  conclusively  on  all  controversies  between 
states  as  to  jurisdiction  or  territory,  and  all  contro 
versies  concerning  lands  claimed  under  different 
grants  of  two  or  more  states. 

The  judicial  power  is  extended  to  all  other 
"  controversies  between  two  or  more  states,"  and 
"  to  the  trial  of  impeachment  of  officers  of  United 
States." 

The  election  of  a  treasurer  of  the  United  States 
is  given  to  the  two  houses,  and  is  to  be  made  by 
joint  ballot. 

The  second  printed  edition  of  the  constitution 
conforms  more  nearly  to  its  ultimate  provisions. 
The  changes,  which  had  been  ordered,  are  incorpo 
rated,  and  the  arrangement  and  collocation  of  sub 
jects  are  methodized  and  put  into  more  appropriate 
form. 

In  addition  to  some  amendments  of  detail  and 
of  provisions,  which  had  probably  escaped  attention 
at  an  earlier  review,  care  is  evidently  bestowed  on 
the  phraseology,  and  effort  made  to  correct  as  far 
as  might  be  the  ambiguity  of  expression. 

•For  instance,  this  reprint  contains  the  following 
enactments  :  "  The  president  shall  at  stated  times 
receive  a  fixed  compensation  for  his  services,  which 
shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during 
the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected." 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  35 

The  strict  grammatical  construction  prohibits 
any  alteration  in  his  duties  and  not  his  emolu 
ments.  It  was  on  motion  so  altered  as  to  read  in 
conformity  to  the  meaning  of  the  draughtsman. 
The  president  shall  at  stated  times  receive  for  his 
services  a  compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  in 
creased  nor  diminished. 

Again,  the  clause  printed  as  follows  :  "  The  mi 
gration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  the  seve 
ral  states  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit, 
&c."  is  amended  to  read,  "  such  persons  as  any  of 
the  states,  &c." 

Other  verbal  alterations,  the  import  of  which 
would  be  apparent  only  to  an  exact  and  critical 
eye,  were  made  with  a  freedom,  which  shows  the 
solicitude  of  the  convention  to  present  in  a  shape 
the  most  unexceptionable,  as  well  the  great  princi 
ples  they  established  as  the  language  in  which 
they  should  be  secured. 

The  desire  of  the  convention  to  arrive  at  such  a 
result,  as  notwithstanding  the  intrinsic  difficulties 
of  the  task  should  receive  the  support  of  all  its 
members,  was  manifested  as  well  by  the  closeness 
of  their  application*  as  by  the  frequent  modification 
of  the  articles,  which  from  time  to  time  was  per 
mitted. 

*  On  the  18th  August  the  convention  resolved  to  meet  punc 
tually  at  10  o'clock  every  morning,  Sundays  excepted,  and  sit 
till  4  o'clock  P.  M.,  at  which  time  the  president  should  adjourn 
the  convention,  and  that  no  motion  for  adjournment  be  allowed. 


36  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

MR.  GERRY   TO   GENERAL   WARREN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  AUG.  13,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

It  is  out  of  my  power  in  return  for  the  informa 
tion  you  have  given  me  to  inform  you  of  our  pro 
ceedings  in  convention,  but  I  think  they  will  be 
complete  in  a  month  or  six  weeks,  perhaps  sooner. 
Whenever  they  shall  be  matured  I  sincerely  hope 
they  will  be  such  as  you  and  I  can  approve,  and 
then  they  will  not  be  engrafted  with  principles 
of  mutability,  corruption  or  despotism,  principles 
which  some,  you  and  I  know,  would  not  dislike  to 
find  in  our  national  constitution.  I  wish  you  had 
accepted  a  seat  in  congress,  for  the  next  year  will 
be  important. 

Adieu  my  dear  sir. — Make  my  respects,  &c. 

Your  sincere  friend, 

E.  GERRY. 

Hon.  J.  Warren. 


On  the  17th  September  1787,  this  celebrated 
assembly  announced  to  the  country  the  result  of 
its  deliberations.  Thirty-eight  members  sub 
scribed  the  plan  proposed.  Sixteen  signatures  are 
wanting.  Among  the  latter  in  addition  to  the 
subject  of  this  memoir,  was  governour  Randolph 
and  Mr.  Mason  of  Virginia,  Mr.  Lansing  and  chief 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  37 

justice  Yeates  of  New- York,  and  Mr.  Martin  of 
Maryland.  Mr.  Strong*  of  Massachusetts  obtained 
leave  of  absence  before  the  final  question  was  ta 
ken,  so  that  the  instrument  bears  the  names  of 
only  two  members  from  that  state. 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  while  governour 
Randolph  supplied  the  original  materials  out  of 
which  the  constitution  was  elaborated,  they  suffer 
ed  such  changes  in  their  passage  through  the  or 
deal  of  the  convention  that  he  thought  proper  to 
withhold  his  consent  to  the  plan,  which  they  even 
tually  assumed. 

*  Afterwards  governour  of  the  commonwealth. 


38  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 


CHAPTER     II. 

Objects    to    the    constitution His  letter  to    the  legislature    of 

Massachusetts Objections  considered Parties  on  the  merits 

of  the  constitution Judge  Dana  proposes  to  annihilate  Rhode 

Island Massachusetts  convention  to  consider  the  constitution 

of  the  United  States Proceedings  in  convention His  letter 

to  the  president Governour  Hancock Constitution  adopted. 

THE  period,  which  has  elapsed  since  the  conven 
tion  at  Philadelphia  terminated  its  session  has  al 
lowed  ample  opportunity  for  ascertaining  the  com 
petency  of  the  constitution,  which  the  wisdom  of 
that  assembly  presented  to  the  American  people, 
for  the  great  purposes  it  was  intended  to  accom 
plish.  Under  the  government,  which  from  that 
time  was  established,  the  United  States  as  a  na 
tion  have  acquired  rank,  wealth  and  power,  which 
the  eye  of  patriotism  in  the  widest  range  of  its 
prophetic  vision  could  never  have  foreseen.  The 
strength  of  the  government  for  all  purposes  of  na 
tional  protection,  and  its  inaptitude  to  any  exertion 
adverse  to  the  most  perfect  political  liberty  dem 
onstrate  the  exact  balance  of  those  combined  and 
contrarient  principles,  which  render  it  formidable 
where  power  is  to  be  exercised  for  general  good, 
and  harmless  where  an  undue  exertion  of  autho 
rity  would  endanger  the  personal  security  of  the 
citizen. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  39 

How  much  the  prosperity  of  the  country  is  at 
tributable  to  the  constitution  of  its  government, 
how  much  lias  resulted  from  geographical  position, 
what  share  has  its  cause  in  the  intelligence,  virtue 
and  enterprise  of  the  people,  and  how  much  has 
resulted  from  the  prudence  and  ability  of  the  suc 
cessive  administrations  of  its  aflairs,  cannot  now 
with  any  exactness  be  ascertained.  The  road  on 
which  we  have  travelled,  though  not  without  im 
pediments  and  danger,  has  conducted  us  as  we 
know  to  an  elevated  and  commanding  station  ; 
what  might  have  been  the  termination  of  another 
path  is  shut  out  from  all  human  observation.  En 
joying  the  great  national  blessings  with  which  Pro 
vidence  has  indulged  us,  we  are  forbidden  to  sup 
pose  that  any  other  than  the  course  we  have  taken 
could  have  been  equally  prosperous. 

Under  the  operation  of  the  constitution  the 
country  has  been  eminently  happy  ;  and  success 
so  far  as  it  has  been  procured  by  the  instrumen 
tality  of  the  form  of  government,  may  be  justly 
claimed  by  the  advocates  of  that  form  as  proof 
of  their  forecast  and  political  skill.  It  is  however 
to  be  considered  that  the  constitution  reported  by 
the  convention,  although  accepted  and  ratified  by 
the  people,  has  never  been,  or  for  a  single  year  on 
ly,  the  actual  frame  of  government  for  the  nation. 
Amendments  of  a  character  if  not  essentially  to 
change  its  original  features,  yet  calculated  to  sof 
ten  and  remould  them,  were  proposed  at  the  first 


40  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

session  of  the  first  congress  in  New- York,  and  by 
the  assent  of  the  people  became  very  soon  a  part 
of  the  fundamental  law  of  the  country.  Between 
the  advocates  in  the  convention  for  one  form  or 
another  the  question  is  yet  open  to  discussion  whe 
ther  the  existing  constitution  with  all  its  early 
amendments  is  conformable  to  the  principles  urg 
ed  by  those,  who  gave  it  originally  their  assent, 
or  restores  it  to  the  plan  of  those,  who  were  induc 
ed  to  withhold  from  it  at  first  the  sanction  of  their 
names. 

Mr.  Gerry,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  was 
one  of  a  minority  in  the  convention  who  disapprov 
ed  some  of  the  principles,  which  the  constitution 
finally  assumed,  and  having  arrived  at  the  conclu 
sion  in  his  own  mind  that  it  did  not  comport  with 
the  well  being  of  the  country,  with  regret  indeed 
but  without  hesitation  he  refused  it  the  sanction 
of  his  name. 

This  act  of  refusal,  even  admitting  the  validity 
of  the  objections,  which  existed  in  his  own  mind, 
has  been  charged  upon  him  as  impolitic,  injudicious 
and  unwise.  He  had  laboured,  it  was  said,  with 
an  industry  and  perseverance  in  the  details  of  the 
scheme,  which  demonstrated  a  belief  in  the  neces 
sity  of  some  essential  change  in  the  existing  order  of 
things;  it  must  have  been  manifest  that  such 
change  could  only  be  the  result  of  compromise  and 
concession,  and  no  practical  statesman  would  be 
lieve  that,  when  such  were  the  means  of  operation. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  41 

all  his  own  favourite  objects  would  be  preserved. 
The  difficulties,  too,  experienced  by  him,  during 
four  months  of  close  application  to  this  arduous  la 
bour,  must  have  satisfied  any  man  that  a  new  con 
vention  would  meet  only  to  encounter  new  diffi 
culties,  and  that  the  results,  in  their  present  form, 
if  not  the  most  desirable,  were  in  fact  the  only 
ones,  which  could  ever  be  obtained.  To  a  states 
man,  it  was  apparent  that  the  alternative  was  not 
between  this  constitution  and  a  better,  but  be 
tween  this  and  none. 

The  objections  thus  urged  did  not  pass  without 
due  consideration,  but  they  seemed  to  him  to  put 
policy  in  opposition  to  principle,  and  in  such  case 
the  habit  of  his  life  left  him  in  no  doubt  on  which 
side  to  take  his  stand.  The  question  was  indeed 
momentous.  To  recommend  to  others  what  the 
party  himself  did  not  approve  ;  to  become  responsi 
ble  for  consequences,  the  dangers  of  which  were  as 
firmly  believed  as  if  they  were  visible  ;  to  place 
the  confiding  and  industrious  people  of  a  great  na 
tion  under  a  power,  which  might  crush  them  by  its 
weight,  or  embark  them  on  the  stormy  ocean  of 
politics,  in  a  vessel  too  frail  to  encounter  the  perils 
of  the  voyage,  was  a  course  of  too  doubtful  integ 
rity  to  be  easily  adopted.  It  was  that  indeed 
which  many  honourable  members  of  the  convention 
were  willing  to  take,  for  reasons  unquestionably 
satisfactory  to  themselves,  but  in  the  mind  of  the 
delegate  from  Massachusetts,  compromise  had  its 

VOL.   II.  6 


42  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

limits,  and  concession  its  legitimate  bounds  ;  be 
yond  these  his  ideas  of  duty  forbade  him  to  pass, 
and  poising  himself  on  his  own  character,  he  as 
sumed  the  responsibility  of  acting  on  the  principles, 
which  his  judgment  approved. 

In  communicating  to  his  constituents,  the  legis 
lature  of  Massachusetts,  the  constitution  adopted 
by  the  convention  at  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Gerry  an 
nounces  his  own  dissent,  and  maintains  his  opin 
ions  in  the  following  letter. 


MR.  GERRY  TO  THE    SENATE  AND  HOUSE    OF   RE 
PRESENTATIVES  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

NEW- YORK,  OCT.  18,  1787. 

GENTLEMEN, 

I  have  the  honour  to  enclose,  pursuant  to  my 
commission,  the  constitution  proposed  by  the  fede 
ral  convention.  To  this  system  I  gave  my  dissent, 
and  shall  submit  my  objections  to  the  honourable 
legislature.  It  was  painful  for  me,  on  a  subject  of 
such  national  importance,  to  differ  from  the  re 
spectable  members  who  signed  the  constitution. 
But  conceiving  as  I  did  that  the  liberties  of  Ame 
rica  were  not  secured  by  the  system,  it  was  my 
duty  to  oppose  it. 

My  principal  objections  to  the  plan  are,  that 
there  is  no  adequate  provision  for  a  representation 
of  the  people ;  that  they  have  no  security  for  the 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  43 

right  of  election ;  that  some  of  the  powers  of  the 
legislature  are  ambiguous,  and  others  indefinite  and 
dangerous ;   that  the    executive    is    blended    with 
and  will  have  an  undue  influence  over  the  legisla 
ture  ;   that    the   judicial    department  will    be    op 
pressive  ;    that   treaties   of    the     highest    import 
ance    may  be  formed    by  the   president,  with   the 
advice  of  two-thirds  of  a  quorum  of  the  senate,  and 
that  the  system  is  without  the  security  of  a  bill  of 
rights.    These  are  objections,  which  are  not  local, 
but  apply  equally  to  all  the  states.    As  the  conven 
tion  was  called  for   "  the  sole  and  express  purpose 
of  revising  the  articles  of  confederation,  and  report 
ing  to  congress  and    the  several  legislatures,  such 
alterations  and  provisions  as  shall  render  the  fede 
ral  constitution  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  gov 
ernment  and  the  preservation  of  the    union."     I 
did  not  conceive  that  these  powers  extended  to  the 
formation  of  the  plan  proposed,  but  the  convention 
being  of  a  different   opinion,   I   acquiesced   in  it, 
being  fully  convinced,  that  to   preserve  the  union, 
an  efficient  government  was   indispensably  neces 
sary,  and  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  make  proper 
amendments  to  the  articles  of  confederation.    The 
constitution  proposed  has  few,  if  any  federal  fea 
tures,  but  is  rather  a   system  of  national  govern 
ment  ;    nevertheless,   in  many  respects,  I   think  it 
has  great  merit,  and  by  proper  amendments  may 
be  adapted  to  the  "  exigencies  of  government  and 
preservation  of  liberty."     The   question   on   this 


44  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

plan  involves   others  of  the  highest  importance  : 
First,  Whether  there  shall  be  a  dissolution  of  the 
federal  government.   Secondly,  Whether  the  seve 
ral  state  governments  shall  be  so  altered,  as  in  ef 
fect  to  be  dissolved.     Thirdly,  Whether,  in  lieu  of 
the  federal  and   state   governments,   the   national 
constitution  now  proposed  shall  be  substituted  with 
out  amendment.     Never  perhaps    were  a  people 
called  upon  to  decide  a  question  of  greater  magni 
tude.      Should  the  citizens  of  America  adopt  the 
plan  as  it  now  stands,  their  liberties  may  be  lost ; 
or   should  they  reject  it  altogether,  anarchy  may 
ensue.     It  is   evident    therefore  that  they  should 
not  be  precipitate  in  their  decisions ;  that  the  sub 
ject  should  be  well  understood,  lest  they  should  re 
fuse  to  support  the  government,  after  having  hastily 
accepted  it.    if  those  who  are  in  favour  of  the  con 
stitution,  as  well  as  those  who  are  against  it,  should 
preserve  moderation,  their  discussions  may  afford 
much  information,  and  finally  direct    to  a  happy 
issue.     It  may  be  urged  by  some,  that  an  implicit 
confidence  should.be  placed  in  the  convention  ;  but 
however  respectable   the   members   may   be  who 
signed  the  constitution,  it  must  be  admitted  that  a 
free  people  are  the  proper  guardians  of  their  rights 
and  liberties ;  that  the  greatest  men  may  err,  and 
that  their  errors  are  sometimes  of  the  greatest  mag 
nitude.     Others  may  suppose  that  the  constitution 
may  be  safely  adopted,  because   therein  provision 
is  made  to  amend  it.     But  cannot  this  object  be 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  45 

better  attained  before  a  ratification  than  after  it  ? 
And  should  a  free  people  adopt  a  form  of  govern 
ment  under  conviction  that  it  wants  amendment  ? 
Some  may  conceive  that,  if  the  plan  is  not  ac 
cepted  by  the  people,  they  will  not  unite  in  ano 
ther  :  but  surely  while  they  have  the  power  to 
amend,  they  are  not  under  the  necessity  of  reject 
ing  it.  I  have  been  detained  here  longer  than  I 
expected,  but  shall  leave  this  in  a  day  or  two  for 
Massachusetts,  and  on  my  arrival  shall  submit  the 
reasons  (if  required  by  the  legislature)  on  which 
my  objections  are  grounded. 

I  shall  only  add,  that  as  the  welfare  of  the  union 
requires  a  better  constitution  than  the  confedera 
tion,  1  shall  think  it  my  duty,  as  a  citizen  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  to  support  that,  which  shall  be  finally 
adopted,  sincerely  hoping  it  will  secure  the  liberty 
and  happiness  of  America.  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  gentlemen,  with  the  highest  respect  for  the 
honourable  legislature  and  yourselves,  your  most 
obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

E.   GERRY. 

To  the  lion.  Samuel  Adams,  Ks»q.  President  of  the  Senate, 
and  the  Hon.  James  Warren,  F.sq.  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts. 


This  official  letter  sets  forth  the  most  prominent 
objections  which,  at  the  period  of  the  promulgation 
of  the  constitution,  that  instrument  had  to  encoun- 


46  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

ter.  But  it  is  obviously  not  written  in  the  spirit 
of  a  partizan.  Popular  topics,  calculated  to  excite 
the  passions  of  the  people,  and  elsewhere  used  with 
adroitness,  ad  captandum  vulgus,  are  not  enume 
rated  ;  the  advantages  of  the  new  system  are  too 
freely  admitted  for  the  purposes  of  an  irreconcilable 
hostility  ;  and  the  intention  of  supporting  it,  if  le 
gally  ratified,  is  the  submission  of  a  good  citizen  to 
the  authority  of  the  laws,  and  not  the  evidence  of 
that  spirit  of  rebellion,  which  would  retaliate  its 
own  disappointment  by  indiscriminate  confusion. 

It  may  be  proper  to  review  the  objections,  which 
were  thus  contemporaneously  made  to  the  consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  by  the  subject  of  this 
memoir,  and  ascertain,  if  possible,  how  far  they 
have  received  any  countenance  from  time. 

Of  the  truth  of  the  first  assertion,  no  one,  it 
would  seem,  could  now  honestly  entertain  a  doubt. 
The  passions,  which  in  that  period  of  controversy 
obscured  the  judgment  of  the  community,  have 
been  tranquillized,  and  no  longer  obscure  that 
proud  principle  of  independence,  which  adheres, 
against  all  the  allurements  of  popular  favour,  to  the 
performance  of  duty. 

The  convention  had  deliberated  under  the  strict 
est  injunctions  of  secrecy.  Its  arguments,  opinions 
or  motives  could  be  known  only  by  their  results.  It 
enumerated  among  its  members  men  of  the  most 
distinguished  talents,  the  most  exalted  virtue,  and 
the  most  extensive  influence.  The  name  of  its 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  47 

president  was  a  tower  of  strength.  What  a  con 
vention,  thus  constituted,  proposed  to  the  people, 
could  not  want  support ;  what  they  on  their  great 
responsibility  recommended,  had  already  the  ad 
vantage  of  anticipated  success  ;  and  the  individual, 
who  in  a  conclave  of  such  men  dared  trust  his 
own  judgment,  and  risk  his  character  and  fame  in 
opposition  to  their  influence,  ventured  on  a  perilous 
duty,  which  nothing  but  conscious  integrity  would 
attempt,  and  the  most  fearless  independence  enable 
him  to  perform. 

The  objection,  which  is  first  presented  alleges 
that  there  is  no  adequate  security  for  a  representa 
tion  by  the  people. 

The  security,  so  far  as  one  is  provided,  is  con 
tained  in  the  second  section  of  Art.  I,  which  estab 
lishes  a  definite  representation  in  the  house  of 
representatives,  until  an  enumeration  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  United  States,  a  representation  at  all 
times  of  one  from  each  state,  and  a  subsequent  repre 
sentation,  according  to  a  ratio,  which  is  to  be  de 
termined  by  congress.  There  is,  therefore,  de 
facto,  no  security  except  the  pleasure  of  congress, 
for  any  representation  after  the  first  census,  except 
for  one  representative  for  each  state  ;  and  as  the 
pleasure  of  congress  could  be  declared  only  by  the 
concurrent  vote  of  the  two  branches,  in  one  of 
which  the  states  were  equally  represented,  and 
might  desire  to  preserve  that  equality  in  the  other, 
or  their  equal  weight  in  the  union,  by  a  diminished 


48  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

number  of  representatives  in  the  house,  the  objec 
tion  is  theoretically  at  least  made  out,  and  re 
solves  itself  into  another  form  of  expression,  for 
guarding  the  relative  rights  of  the  states. 

The  danger  here  gravely  apprehended,  strikes 
us  now  as  exceedingly  fanciful ;  but,  in  the  ex 
cited  state  of  mind,  which  that  perplexing  sub 
ject,  the  relative  importance  of  the  great  and  small 
states  in  the  confederacy,  occasioned,  was  naturally 
enough  to  be  expected. 

The  constitution  had  fixed  the  minimum  of  re 
presentation.  It  indicated  without  requiring  an 
increase.  Was  not  that  indication  a  sufficient  se 
curity  ?  Would  congress,  having  the  right,  dare 
to  make  the  ratio  for  a  second  representative  so 
high,  as  virtually  to  exclude  any  state  from  the 
privilege  of  an  increased  representation  ?  or  would 
the  senate  venture,  against  the  will  of  the  popular 
branch,  to  insist  on  such  an  anomaly.  In  the  pub 
lic  sentiment  and  the  ultimate  power  of  the  people, 
was  to  be  found  the  security  sought  for.  In  every 
form  of  civil  government  is  somewhere  an  ulti 
mate  power,  which  is  liable  to  be  abused  ;  to  guard 
against  the  tendency  to  abuse  is  the  part  of  wis 
dom  ;  to  prevent  its  possibility  is  eminently  hope 
less. 

The  intention  of  the  constitution  to  secure  a  gra 
dually  increasing  representation  of  the  people  in 
the  house  of  representatives,  within  such  limits  as 
would  not  embarrass  the  despatch  of  business,  is 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  49 

indicated  by  its  successive  provisions  :  that  each  state 
shall  always  have  one  delegate  ;  that  an  enumeration 
of  the  people  shall  take  place  within  three  years, 
and  afterwards  every  ten  years  ;  and  that,  until  the 
first  enumeration,  there  shall  be  sixty-five  repre 
sentatives.  The  security  for  conforming  to  this 
intention  would  not  be  more  adequate,  if  its  pro 
visions  were  more  precise.  The  security  for  the 
observance  of  any  provision  of  the  constitution,  can 
not  be  found  in  the  constitution  itself.  It  is  derived 
from  the  virtue  of  the  people,  and  the  fidelity  of 
their  agents.  The  constitution  is  a  chart  only,  by 
which  the  vessel  should  be  steered  ;  whether  she 
keeps  her  course,  mainly  depends  on  the  officer  at 
the  helm. 

The  objection,  considered  in  reference  to  the 
sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  time,  is  entitled  to 
much  greater  respect  than  if  tried  by  the  standard 
of  present  opinion.  The  first  amendment  proposed 
by  the  congress  of  the  United  States  was  intended 
to  obviate  its  Jorce,  and  was  ratified  by  a  majority 
of  the  states,  but  the  constitutional  number  of  nine 
did  not  assent  to  it,  whereby  it  failed  to  become 
part  of  the  frame  of  government.  The  want  of  a 
more  definite  arrangement  in  this  particular,  has  as 
yet  produced  no  practical  evil.  Other  difficulties 
have  occurred  under  the  article  in  question,  but 
the  apprehension  has  probably  subsided,  which 
classed  too  small  a  house  of  representatives  among 
the  practical  evils  of  the  American  government. 

VOL.    II.  7 


50  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

Indeed,  if  the  theory  of  the  early  statesmen  be 
true,  that  power  every  where  has  a  principle  of 
expansion,  a  vitality  that  keeps  it  constantly  grow 
ing  and  extending  itself,  the  result  may  as  well  be 
found  in  the  house  of  representatives,  as  in  any 
other  depository  of  this  vigorous  germ.  It  is  not 
easy  to  see  why  such  an  assembly  may  not  extend, 
or  endeavour  to  extend  its  authority,  as  well  as  an 
individual,  in  whom  by  the  theory  such  inclination 
is  a  necessary  incident  to  the  possession  of  power. 
A  tendency  of  this  sort  has  occasionally  been  im 
puted  to  individual  members.  The  first  president 
of  the  United  States  interposed  his  authority  in  a 
case  of  some  delicacy,  against  the  pretensions  of 
the  whole  house.  Its  weight  and  influence,  as  a 
department  of  the  government,  has  been  regularly 
increasing  from  the  first  operation  of  the  constitu 
tion,  and  the  most  distant  of  the  evils,  which 
threaten  the  American  people,  is  want  of  power  or 
indisposition  to  exercise  it,  on  the  part  of  their  im 
mediate  representatives. 

The  objection  that  there  is  no  security  for  the 
right  of  election,  refers  to  the  4th  section  of  1st 
article,  by  which  the  manner  of  holding  elections 
for  senators  and  representatives  is  vested  in  the 
state  legislatures,  with  a  power  in  congress  at  any 
time  to  make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as 
to  the  places  of  choosing  senators. 

The  fair  exercise  of  this  power  by  congress 
could  never  be  objectionable  ;  by  their  abusing  it 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  51 

the  electors  might  be  put  to  extreme  inconvenience, 
and  the  right  rendered  of  no  value.  This  extraor 
dinary  power  over  the  legislation  of  the  states, 
formed  every  where  a  formidable  argument  with 
the  opposition  ;  but  it  has  not,  in  practice,  been 
the  cause  of  any  complaint. 

Again  it  is  objected,  that  the  executive  is  blend 
ed  with  and  will  have  an  undue  influence  over  the 
legislature. 

The  first  branch  of  the  objection  is  in  point  of 
fact  true  ;  but  the  argument  so  profoundly  main 
tained  in  the  writings  of  the  Federalist,  has  de 
fended  the  provision  of  the  constitution  in  this  re- 
spert  from  even  theoretical  impropriety.  The 
prophecy  of  the  other  part  has  not  been  fulfilled. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  democratic  principles  of 
the  constitution,  which  pervade  and  animate  t he- 
whole  system,  but  are  rhiclly  placed  in  the  popu 
lar  branch  of  the  legislative  department,  have  con 
stantly  and  steadily  advanced  in  strength  and  im 
portance.  If  there  be  danger  in  disturbing  the 
exact  balances,  which  the  constitution  has  adjusted, 
it  will  come  from  the  opposite  quarter  to  that,  which 
was  predicted  by  its  earlv  opponents. 

The  power  and  the  will  of  the  people  are  irre 
sistible  agents  in  whatever  government  they  are 
admitted  as  elements  of  its  composition,  and  not 
onl\  exert  their  functions  in  that  branch  which  is  the 
place  of  their  appropriate  activity,  but  extend  their 
influence  into  all  the  collateral  departments,  as  we 


52  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

find  in  a  garrison  town,  the  air  of  military  life  dis 
playing  somewhat  of  its  character  in  the  manners 
of  the  peaceful  citizen  ;  or  in  Catholic  countries, 
the  peculiarities  of  the  predominant  faith  control 
ling  the  customs  and  habits  of  those  even  who  are 
not  within  the  pale  of  the  church. 

In  a  government  like  that  prescribed  by  the  con 
vention,  establishing  the  grand  democratic  axioms 
that  the  people  are  the  source  of  authority,  and 
their  happiness  its  sole  object,  the  checks  and  re 
straints  on  the  popular  will,  which  were  imposed  to 
produce  strength,  stability  and  decision,  would  be 
found  wonderfully  well  contrived,  if  they  were  able 
to  promote  for  any  length  of  time  these  salutary 
objects ;  the  apprehension  of  their  counteracting 
the  great  design  of  the  government  was  as  lit 
tle  to  be  justified  by  theory  as  it  has  been  un 
founded  in  experience.  If  the  hereditary  power 
of  the  British  crown,  with  a  permanent  and 
powerful  aristocracy,  has  not  been  able  at  all  times 
to  maintain  itself  against  even  a  partial  represent 
ation  of  the  people,  the  alarm  surely  was  needless 
that  any  station  provided  in  the  American  consti 
tution  could  withstand,  much  less  corrupt  and  con 
trol,  the  representatives  of  the  people  or  the  states. 

That  the  judicial  department  will  be  oppressive 
was  a  much  more  plausible  objection,  which  may 
yet  be,  if  it  has  not  been  unfortunately  realized. 
This  was  a  new  power  in  the  confederacy.  It  is 
of  necessity  intrusted  to  a  very  small  number  of 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  53 

men  rendered  independent  of  the  popular  will  by 
the  tenor  of  office,  and  appointed  to  their  high 
stations  not  by  means  of  that  connexion,  which 
creates  a  sympathy  with  their  fellow  citizens,  but 
because  of  their  professional  distinction  under  a 
good  administration,  or  their  political  zeal  and 
party  attachment  under  a  bad  one ;  a  course  of 
life,  which  in  the  one  case  renders  them  in  some 
degree  unacquainted  with  the  state  of  the  public 
mind,  or  in  the  other  prepares  them  to  disregard  it. 
In  the  report  of  the  convention  too  it  is  to  be  re 
membered  that  the  judicial  power  of  the  United 
States  extended  to  cases,  in  which  a  state  itself 
might  be  a  defendant,  whereby  the  whole  doctrine 
of  a  confederacy  of  sovereign  states  was  annihilat 
ed  and  an  association  of  political  corporations  sub 
stituted  iii  its  place. 

The  latter  authority  has  been  limited  by  an  ar 
ticle  of  amendment  ;  and  the  high  and  honourable 
character  of  the  judicial  department  lias  done  much 
to  preserve  the  confidence  of  the  people  ;  but  cases 
have  arisen  alarmingly  confirming  the  fears  of  the 
opponents  of  the  constitution,  and  others  cannot 
but  follow,  in  which  great  sections  of  the  country 
may  not  think  the  objection  was  unreasonable. 

Indeed  when  it  found  that  in  the  exercise  of  le 
gitimate  authority  a  majority  of  seven  or  ten  men 
may  set  aside  the  statutes  of  congress,  or  of  any 
of  the  states,  which  have  passed  all  the  forms  of 
their  respective  constitutions,  because  in  the  opin- 


54  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ion  of  this  small  body  they  are  in  violation  of  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
the  cautious  republicans  of  the  convention  might 
well  fear  that  the  power  would  be  oppressive. 

That  other  modes  of  revision  in  regard  to  this 
necessary  power  had  their  several  inconveniences 
is  no  answer  to  the  objection  urged  against  this. 
The  control  over  the  proceedings  and  decrees  of  a 
state  legislature  and  a  state  judiciary,  which  sub 
ject  the  debateable  proposition  of  constitutionality 
to  the  decision  of  three  or  four  individuals  appoint 
ed  by  the  president  of  the  United  States,  is  in  the 
ory  a  most  dangerous  state  of  things,  and  it  may 
be  well  for  the  public  peace  if  in  after  time  it  be 
exercised  with  so  much  integrity  and  intelligence, 
that  it  shall  not  justify  the  fears  entertained  by 
opponents  to  the  constitution  in  the  convention 
of  '89. 

It  is  further  to  be  alleged  in  excuse  for  the  sus 
picions  at  the  commencement  of  the  constitution 
in  regard  to  the  judicial  department,  that  the 
theory  of  representation,  which  elsewhere  per 
vades  the  system,  is  here  entirely  abandoned.  It 
was  impossible  in  the  nature  of  things  and  has  not 
been  attempted.  No  restriction  is  laid  on  the  ap 
pointing  power,  and  it  would  therefore  be  possible 
in  the  literal  exercise  of  the  trust  committed  to  the 
president,  that  with  the  consent  of  the  senate  a 
large  part  of  the  country  should  feel  that  it  had  no 
security  on  the  judicial  bench.  To  those,  who 
found  in  the  practicability  of  abuse  a  reason  for 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  55 

suspecting  it,  this  might  have  been  sufficient  to 
justify  opposition,  hut  in  yielding  to  it  they  did  not 
rely  enough  on  that  general  public  sentiment,  which 
is  the  very  atmosphere  of  a  republican  government, 
and  is  produced  by  the  intelligence  and  integrity 
of  the  people  themselves. 

The  treaty  making  power  is  confessedly  one  of 
the  strong  points  of  the  constitution,  which  the 
jealous  republicans  of  the  day  may  be  excused  for 
considering  with  alarm.  Its  operation  has  excited 
much  angry  feeling  and  arrayed  the  citi/ens  in 
ranks  of  party  as  violent  as  those  of  battle,  but 
there  is  nevertheless  in  the  very  essence  of  this 
government  a  redeeming  principle,  which  compels 
all  the  functionaries  to  make  their  habitual  homage 
to  the  public  sentiment,  or  more  properly  speaking 
so  to  act  that  the  popular  sentiment  shall  support 
the  correctness  of  their  proceedings  when  it  shall 
dispassionately  exercise  its  judgment.  It  is  this, 
which  supplies  the  want  of  a  bill  of  rights  and  ren 
ders  harmless  whatever  other  articles  might  seem 
ingly  tend  to  entrench  on  the  great  charter  of 
liberty. 

If  the  amendments  proposed  by  congress  at  its 
first  session  and  which  now  make  part  of  the  con 
stitution,  were  properly  adopted,  the  further  objec 
tion,  made  by  Mr.  Gerry  before  its  ratification, 
was  welj  founded,  vi/.  that  the  powers  of  the  le 
gislature  were  ambiguous,  indefinite  and  danger 
ous.  Those  amendments  propose  and  establish 


56  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ten  distinct  and  important  limitations.  If  the 
powers,  which  they  restrain,  would  without  the 
amendments  have  been  enjoyed  by  congress,  the 
constitution  would  properly  have  authorized  the 
exercise  of  authority,  which  it  is  plain  the  people 
did  not  intend  ;  if  otherwise,  its  language  was  am 
biguous.  If  it  were  doubtful  whether  the  powers 
not  delegated  to  the  United  States  nor  prohibited 
to  the  states,  were  reserved  to  the  states  respect 
ively,  or  to  the  people,  the  constitution  was  am 
biguous  in  an  essential  provision ;  and  that  it  was 
doubtful  must  be  admitted  from  the  adoption  of 
the  amendment ;  or  if  there  was  no  doubt  in  the 
case,  and  the  constitution  conferred  such  a  national 
character  on  the  government  of  the  United  States 
that  it  took  in  virtue  of  its  sovereignty  whatever 
it  was  not  expressly  prohibited  from  taking,  a  form 
of  government  was  adopted  so  essentially  different 
from  that  now  existing,  that  the  advocates  of  the 
present  establishment  could  not  consistently  ap 
prove  it. 

The  indefiniteness  and  ambiguity  of  all  written 
constitutions  and  of  all  political  declarations,  and 
indeed  of  language  in  its  most  perfect  form,  are 
constantly  witnessed  and  lamented.  They  are 
without  doubt  inseparable  from  the  nature  of  the 
human  rnind  and  the  limitation  of  its  powers.  It 
is  however  the  good  fortune  of  the  people  of 
these  states  that  whatever  of  this  common  imbe 
cility  exists  in  their  constitution  has  not  yet  real- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  *    57 

izcd  the  apprehensions  of  their  friends.  But  even 
at  this  moment  its  exact  meaning  is  not  universal 
ly  admitted.  Its  powers  are  to  be  settled  by  a 
construction,  which  extends  or  compresses  them  as 
one  or  another  of  those  rules  are  applied,  which 
have  advocates  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 
Hence  it  was  well  observed  by  an  eminent  mem 
ber  of  the  convention,  on  being  felicitated  on  the 
appropriate  arrangements  they  had  formed,  "  that 
the  practicability  of  the  constitution  would  de 
pend  on  the  construction  that  should  be  put  on 
the  powers  it  conferred." 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  all  the  objections  sug 
gested  by  Mr.  Gerry  regarded  the  tendency  of  the 
constitution  to  impair  the  liberties  of  the  people 
and  the  sovereignty  of  the  states,  and  that  it  was 
on  this  precise  ground  that  all  the  opposition  it 
experienced  throughout  the  United  States  was 
founded.  All  the  amendments,  from  whatever 
quarter  proposed,  were  calculated  to  restrain  this 
supposed  bias.  From  those  who  favoured  colonel 
Hamilton's  propositions  it  met  with  no  obstacle 
or  opposition.  It  is  apparent  therefore  that  the 
convention  had  carried  the  provisions  for  a  strong 
government  to  the  utmost  extent,  which  the  peo 
ple  would  bear.  In  Mr.  Gerry's  view  they  were 
extended  further  than  was  consistent  with  politi 
cal  freedom,  and  if  this  question  had  been  sub 
mitted  to  the  people  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
their  answer  would  by  a  vast  majority  have  been 

VOL.   n.  8 


58  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

given  in  the  affirmative.  But  a  very  different  pro 
position  was  presented.  Shall  the  constitution  be 
accepted  as  it  is,  or  must  the  country  still  hold  to 
the  floating  fragments  of  the  confederation,  which 
like  a  stranded  ship,  was  expected  every  moment 
to  fall  in  pieces. 

The  chance  of  another  convention,  or  a  more 
popular  government,  or  of  continuing  as  a  united 
people,  under  existing  forms,  was  equally  despe 
rate,  and  the  question  therefore  to  be  decided  by 
the  freemen  of  the  United  States  was  in  fact  not 
whether  they  approved  the  plan  offered  them  by 
the  convention,  but  whether  such  a  government  as 
it  provided  was  not  preferable  to  the  anarchy  and 
confusion  which  might  follow  its  rejection. 

Rejection  indeed  was  not  contemplated  by  Mr. 
Gerry.  He  inclined  to  accept  it  conditionally, 
and  seems  to  have  thought  that  while  the  people 
had  "  the  power  to  amend  they  were  not  under  the 
necessity  of  rejecting  it."  There  is  one  remark 
however,  which  he  submitted  to  the  legislature, 
that  should  have  exempted  him  from  the  severe 
animadversions  to  which  he  was  subjected,  as  it 
certainly  shows  that  his  opposition  would  be  con 
trolled  and  limited  by  an  intelligent  spirit  of  pa 
triotism. 

"  As  the  welfare  of  the  union,"  he  says,  "  re 
quires  a  better  constitution  than  the  confederation, 
I  shall  think  it  my  duty  to  support  that,  which  shall 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  59 

be  finally  adopted."  This  liberality  of  feeling 
distinguished  Mr.  Gerry's  conduct  in  the  whole 
business  of  the  convention.  From  a  distinguished 

O 

member  of  that  body  from  South  Carolina,*  the 
following  extract  of  a  letter  may  be  introduced  as 
an  offset  in  some  degree  for  the  severe  censures 
with  which  he  was  assailed. 

"  Your  sentiments,  my  friend,  respecting  the 
effect  politics  should  have  in  private  life  entirely 
coincide  with  my  own.  I  felt  it  a  misfortune  that 
1  should  be  compelled  by  such  judgment  as  Clod  had 
given  me  to  differ  so  greatly  from  a  man,  whose 
judgment  1  so  highly  venerate,  and  whose  inde 
pendence  and  integrity  1  bore  witness  to  during 
the  whole  session.  I  ardently  wished  my  friend 
Gerry  to  think  as  I  did,  that  the  constitution,  with 
all  its  imperfections,  is  the  only  thing  that  can 
rescue  the  states  from  civil  discord  and  foreign 
contempt.  Reflecting  maturely  on  the  little  dispo 
sition  of  most  of  the  states  to  submit  to  any  go 
vernment,  1  preferred  giving  my  consent  to  a  trial 
of  the  constitution  with  all  its  imperfections  ;  that 
there  are  parts  I  do  not  like,  you  well  know  ;  I 
ardently  wish  to  draw  in  public  as  I  ever  shall  in 
private  life  in  unison  with  a  person  for  whom  I 
have  so  great  an  esteem  as  for  Mr.  Gerry,  but  I 
shall  not  less  admire  his  independent  spirit,  his 
disinterested  conduct  and  his  private  worth  be- 

*  Hon.  Peircc  Butler. 


60  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

cause  we  differ  on  measures  of  great  public  con 


cern." 


It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  several  strong 
points  of  objection  to  the  constitution,  which  could 
not  upon  any  other  principle  than  the  unsatisfac 
tory  one  of  a  compromise  have  been  acceded  to 
by  Mr.  Gerry,  and  which  would  certainly  in  the 
eastern  states,  have  been  most  popular  topics  of 
crimination,  find  no  place  in  his  public  letter. 
Upon  the  subject  of  the  ratio  of  representation  in 
either  branch  of  the  legislature  he  is  wholly  silent. 
Nothing  is  urged  against  the  constitution  upon  the 
ground  of  its  admitting  the  slaves  of  the  southern 
states  to  swell  their  share  of  representation,  nor 
is  the  insecurity  of  the  state  constitutions  brought 
out  very  prominently,  although  in  the  convention 
he  had  urged  this  as  a  reason  why  the  United 
States  officers  should  take  an  oath  to  support  the 
constitution  of  the  states,  as  a  provision  more  ne 
cessary  than  the  one  under  debate,  which  provid 
ed  for  an  oath  of  allegiance  by  the  state-officers 
to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 

It  cannot  be  that  these  subjects  were  without 
due  weight  in  his  mind,  but  he  had  probably  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  however  it  might  be  desir 
able  to  modify  them,  no  reasonable  expectation 
could  exist  of  chnn^ing  them  for  others  more  de- 
sirablo,  and  believing  that,  the  proposed  constitu 
tion  had  in  many  respects  great  merits  he  was 
willing  to  urge  no  objection  merely  with  a  view 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  61 

to  victory  as  a  partizan,  but  to  present  those  only, 
which  might  by  proper  measures  be  finally  ob 
viated. 

In  the  illustrious  names,  which  were  put  forward 
as  advocates  and  friends  of  the  new  system,  many 
minds  found  a  conclusive  evidence  in  its  favour, 
which  they  would  not  have  discovered  in  the  in 
strument  itself.  The  argument  ex  auctoritate,  was 
pressed  to  its  utmost  limit,  when  probably  those 
distinguished  individuals  were  doubtful  of  its  even- 

o 

tual  success,  and  for  a  cause  differing  essentially 
from  that  of  its  open  assailants,  were  quite  as  dis 
trustful  of  its  merits. 

That  such  were  the  sentiments  of  colonel  Ha 
milton  are  disclosed  not  only  by  his  original  pro 
position,  but  by  his  subsequent  conduct.  In  proof 
of  this  an  anecdote  has  been  recorded  by  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  which  he  sanctions  by  the  solemn  declara 
tion  "  for  the  truth  I  attest  the  God  who  made 
me." 

Before  the  president  set  out  on  his  southern 
tour  in  April  1791,  he  addressed  a  letter  of  the 
14th  of  that  month,  from  mount  Vernon  to  the 
secretary  of  state,  the  treasury  and  of  war,  desir 
ing  that,  if  any  important  case  should  arise  during 
his  absence,  they  would  consult  and  act  on  them, 
and  he  requested  that  the  vice-president  should 
also  be  consulted.  This  was  the  only  occasion 
on  which  that  officer  was  ever  requested  to  take 
part  in  a  cabinet  question.  Some  occasion  of 


62  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

consultation  arising,  I  invited  those  gentlemen 
(and  the  attorney  general,  as  well  as  I  remember) 
to  dine  with  me  in  order  to  confer  on  the  subject. 
After  the  cloth  was  removed,  and  our  question 
argued  and  dismissed,  conversation  began  on  other 
matters,  and  by  some  circumstance  was  led  to  the 
British  constitution,  on  which  Mr.  Adams  observ 
ed  "  purge  that  constitution  of  its  corruption,  and 
give  to  its  popular  branch  equality  of  representa 
tion,  and  it  would  be  the  most  perfect  constitution 
devised  by  the  wit  of  man."  Hamilton  paused 
and  said,  "  purge  it  of  its  corruption,  and  give  to 
its  popular  branch  equality  of  representation,  and 
it  would  become  an  impracticable  government :  as 
it  stands  at  present,  with  all  its  supposed  defects, 
it  is  the  most  perfect  government,  which  ever  ex 
isted." 

The  same  eminent  authority  thus  describes  the 
feelings  of  the  president  of  the  convention. 

"  I  do  believe  that  general  Washington  had  not 
a  firm  confidence  in  the  durability  of  our  govern 
ment.  He  was  naturally  distrustful  of  men,  and 
inclined  to  gloomy  apprehensions ;  and  I  was  ever 
persuaded  that  a  belief  that  we  must  at  length 
end  in  something  like  a  British  constitution  had 
some  weight  in  his  adoption  of  the  ceremonies  of 
levees,  birth  days,  pompous  meetings  with  con- 

*  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Dr.  Jones,  MS.  published  in  the  Boston  Pa 
triot,  22d  July  '28. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  63 

gress  and  other  forms  of  the  same  character,  cal 
culated  to  prepare  us  gradually  for  a  change,  which 
he  believed  possible,  and  so  let  it  come  on  with  as 
little  shock  as  might  be,  to  the  public  mind.  These 
are  my  opinions  of  general  Washington,  which  I 
would  vouch  at  the  judgment  seat  of  God,  having 
been  formed  on  an  acquaintance  of  thirty  years." 

The  opinions  or  doubts,  which  are  thus  unhesi 
tatingly  attributed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  most 
eminent  of  American  patriots,  have  derived  coun 
tenance  from  his  address  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  on  declining  another  election. 
There  is  no  where  in  that  address  any  strong  ex 
pression  of  confidence  in  the  permanency  of  the 
constitution.  It  is  not  described  as  the  "  palla 
dium  of  liberty,"  "  the  impregnable  barrier  of  free 
dom,"  "the  great  citadel  of  free  institutions,"  as 
in  other  places  it  has  been  distinguished.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  mentioned  in  very  cautious  terms 
as  an  improvement  merely  on  the  past.  "  You 
have  improved  upon  your  first  essay  by  the  adop 
tion  of  a  constitution  of  government  better  calcu 
lated  than  your  former  for  an  intimate  union,  and 
for  the  efficacious  management  of  your  common 
concerns." 

The  whole  tenor  of  the  address  proceeds  on  an 
apprehension  that  the  government  does  not  pos 
sess  inherently  a  power  of  sell-preservation,  and 
that  thr  dangers  to  which  it  was  exposed  might 
overturn  it.  Hence  the  impressive  admonition 


64  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

against  popular  combinations,  injudicious  altera 
tions,  factions,  party  spirit,  and  the  insidious  wiles 
of  foreign  influence.  Hence  too  the  props,  which 
are  to  support  it ;  the  encouragement  of  institu 
tions  for  diffusive  education  and  the  cultivation  of 
public  manners,  good  faith  in  foreign  intercourse 
and  a  spirit  that  should  be  neutral,  as  well  as  a 
political  neutrality,  during  foreign  wars ;  and 
hence  too  that  prophetic  apprehension  that  all 
these  would  not  prevent  the  downward  path  of 
the  republic. 

"  In  offering  you,  my  countrymen,"  is  his  sin 
cere  and  affectionate  language,  "  these  counsels  of 
an  old  and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not  hope  they 
will  make  the  strong  and  lasting  impression  I  could 
wish,  that  they  will  control  the  usual  current  of 
the  passions,  or  prevent  our  nation  from  running 
the  course,  which  has  marked  the  destiny  of  na 
tions." 

What  course  and  what  destiny  ?  The  course 
which  has  led  from  liberty  to  despotism,  the  course 
of  anarchy,  revolution  and  civil  W7ar.  The  destiny 
that  subjected  Rome  to  the  Ceesars,  and  every 
where  but  in  this  new  world  had  exiled  all  princi 
ples  of  public  liberty. 

It  is  not  from  this  to  be  inferred,  that  these 
statesmen  had  an  abstract  preference  for  monar 
chical  or  even  strong  government.  Not  at  all. 
The  just  deduction  is  that  they  considered  a  popu 
lar  government  as  an  experiment,  as  a  hazardous 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  65 

and  unpromising  experiment,  and  to  be  made  suc 
cessful  only  by  the  strength  of  the  infusion  of  those 
higher  principles  which  it  contained. 

The  report  of  the  convention  was  no  sooner 
known  to  the  people  than  it  divided  them  into  two 
opposite  and  irritable  factions.  Uefore  the  com 
plicated  provisions  of  this  new  government  could 
be  explained,  and  certainly  before;  the  reasons  could 
be  understood,  by  which  they  were  opposed  or  de 
fended,  it  was  manifest  that  it  had  its  friends  and 
its  enemies,  who  were  assuming  towards  each 
other  the  temper  and  manners  of  organized  and 
hostile  parties. 

Its  adoption  depended  on  its  being  ratified  by 
nine  states,  and  the  voice  of  each  state  was  to  be 
expressed  by  a  convention  elected  by  the  citizens 
of  the  state  expressly  and  solely  for  that  purpose. 
To  influence  public  opinion,  and  to  obtain  a  major 
vote  in  these  state  conventions,  was  the  great  ob 
ject  of  rivalry. 

Jt  cannot  be  doubted  that,  for  some  time  after  its 
promulgation,  the  constitution  had  for  its  opponents  a 
great  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
The  novelty  of  its  provisions,  the  change  they 
made  in  relation  of  the  states,  and  the  uncertain 
ty  always  attending  any  new  operations,  in  which 
wealth  and  numbers  are  concerned,  were  sufficient 
of  themselves  to  array  against  it  a  formidable 
force  ;  but  this  force  was,  in  almost  every  section 
of  the  country,  led  on  by  men  the  most  known  and 

VOL.  n.  0 


66  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

distinguished  in  the  past  history  of  the  nation  ;  by 
men  in  whose  intelligence,  integrity  and  patriotism, 
implicit  confidence  had  been  reposed  in  the  days 
of  revolution  and  war.  Comparatively  a  new  set 
of  men  were  the  fathers  of  the  constitution,  who 
had  yet  to  acquire  that  glory,  upon  which  its  oppo 
nents  were  already  permitted  to  recline. 

Enthusiasm  proportioned  to  the  interests  de 
pending,  and  ardent  as  the  character  of  those  who 
took  the  lead  on^the  great  question  before  the  peo 
ple,  excited  the  advocates  of  the  constitution  to 
immense  efforts  to  secure  the  ratification  they  de 
sired,  while  its  opponents,  though  not  wanting  in 
their  duty  as  watchmen  of  the  public  rights,  seem 
to  have  contented  themselves  with  such  exertion  as 
their  public  station  required.  The  press  indeed 
displayed  the  conflicting  opinions  of  the  parties  in 
every  possible  form,  while  earnestness  and  perse 
verance  seemed  to  indicate  a  consciousness  that 
effort  would  secure  the  prize.  Something  of  the 
boldness  of  the  prevailing  temper  may  be  learned 
from  judge  Dana's  letter  to  Mr.  Gerry,  dated  at 
Newport,  Rhode  Island,  where  he  was  temporarily 
residing  for  the  benefit  of  his  health,  and  dated 
only  a  few  days  before  the  convention  separated. 

"  This  state  (Rhode  Island)  will  not  choose  dele 
gates  to  the  convention,  nor  order  on  their  delegates 
to  congress.  I  hope  they  will  not,  as  their  neglect 
will  give  grounds  to  strike  it  out  of  the  union,  and 
divide  its  territory  between  their  neighbours.  Thus, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  67 

extend  Connecticut  down  to  the  Narraganset 
shore,  and  running  up  north  through  Pawtuxet 
river  to  our  south  line,  so  as  to  leave  Providence, 
Newport,  and  all  the  islands,  to  Massachusetts, 
which,  as  it  would  give  the  commercial  part  of  the 
state  to  Massachusetts,  would  best  accord  with  the 
spirit  and  genius  of  our  people,  while  the  residue 
would  perfectly  coincide  with  that  of  Connecticut. 
According  to  my  best  observation,  such  a  division 
of  this  state  would  meet  the  best  approbation  of 
the  commercial  part  of  it,  though  they  are  afraid 
to  take  any  open  measures  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  to  bring  it  about.  Their  interest  mu5>t  dic 
tate  such  a  measure  ;  they  never  can  be  secure 
under  the  present  form  of  government,  but  will  al 
ways  labour  under  the  greatest  mischief  any  people 
can  suffer,  that  of  being  ruled  by  the  most  ignorant 
and  unprincipled  of  their  fellow  citizens.  This 
state  is  too  insignificant  to  have  a  pldcv  on  an  ecjudl 
footing  with  (tnif  of  (fir  others  in  the  Union^  unless  it 
be  Delaware.  Therefore  a  bold  politician  would 
seize  upon  the  occasion  their  abominable  antifede- 
ral  conduct  presents,  for  annihilating  them  as  a 
separate  member  of  the  union." 

This  must  have  seemed  strange  language  to  the 
advocates  of  state  rights. 

In  the  discussions  and  debate  upon  the  ratifica 
tion  of  the  constitution,  its  friends  had  a  manifest 
advantage,  independent  of  the  merits  of  the  instru 
ment,  iii  the  state  of  the  question  before  the  people. 


68  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

They  had  to  justify  and  maintain  an  examina- 
ble,  defined,  written  law,  of  whose  evils  and  ineffi- 
cacy  nothing  could  be  known,  but  in  the  way  of 
conjecture  or  alarm.  The  confederation  had  almost 
expired  by  its  own  weakness,  and  no  other  had 
been  prepared  to  take  its  place,  but  the  one  they 
were  urging  the  people  to  accept.  Between  that 
and  the  uncertain,  undefined  and  conjectural  ar 
rangement,  which  either  in  a  better  or  a  worse 
form,  might  hereafter  be  proposed,  if  indeed  the 
anarchy,  into  which  the  whole  community  was  re 
solving  itself,  would  allow  any  other  to  be  pro 
posed,  the  choice  could  not  be  doubtful.  It  was 
not  necessary  for  them  to  defend  the  new  consti 
tution  as  a  perfect,  or  even  an  unobjectionable 
form  of  government  ;  their  case  was  made  out,  if 
the  people  could  be  satisfied  that  the  new  govern 
ment  was  better  than  none,  and  that  whatever 
amendments  it  required  might  be  safely  trusted  to 
the  operation  of  time. 

The  report  of  the  convention  having  been  laid 
before  congress,  it  was  by  that  body,  on  28th 
September  1787,  "  Resolved,  that  it  be  transmitted 
to  the  several  legislatures,  in  order  to  be  submitted 
to  a  convention  of  delegates,  chosen  in  each  state 
by  the  people  thereof,  in  conformity  to  the  resolves 
of  the  convention,  made  and  provided  in  that  case." 

In  obedience  to  this  resolve,  delegates  on  the 
part  of  Massachusetts  met  in  convention  at  Boston, 
on  the  ninth  day  of  January  1788.  Mr.  Gerry, 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  G9 

who  had  a  short  time  previous  to  the  election  re 
moved  from  his  native  town  of  Marblehead,  and 
established  his  residence  in  the  village  of  Cam- 

D 

bridge,  the  seat  of  Harvard  University,  was  not  re 
turned  a  member  of  the  convention,  either  because 
his  recent  inhabitancy  did  not  make  him  eligible, 
or  more  probably  because  his  opinions,  in  regard 
to  the  constitution,  were  not  in  conformity  to  those 
of  his  new  neighbours. 

The  convention  of  Massachusetts  consisted  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty  members,  among  whom 
were  many  of  the  most  distinguished  and  honoura 
ble  citizens  of  the  state.  Jt  was  understood  at  the 
commencement  of  the  session,  from  the  opinions 
expressed  by  the  members,  or  the  known  senti 
ment  in  the  towns  from  which  they  were  dele 
gates,  that  a  majority  were  opposed  to  a  rati 
fication,  but  it  was  soon  discovered  that,  what 
ever  might  be  the  force  of  numbers,  that  of  talents, 
ability  and  power  in  debate,  was  most  triumphantly 
with  the  advocates  of  the  new  constitution.  A 
host  of  talented  young  men,  destined  at  a  future 
day  to  lead  in  the  legislation  or  jurisprudence  of 
the  state,  had  scats  in  this  assembly,  and  brought 
to  the  interesting  discussion  of  great  political  ques 
tions  those  rare  intellectual  endowments  by  which 
the  state,  in  all  its  departments,  has  since  most 
eminentlv  profited.  Professional  men  were  mostly 
in  favour  of  the  new  government  ;  educated  men 
and  men  of  property,  with  many  exceptions  indeed, 


70  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

favoured  its  adoption;  and  in  the  collisions  and 
conflict  of  opinion,  the  plain,  unlettered  common 
sense  of  its  opponents  were  no  match  for  the  prac 
tised  eloquence,  the  logic,  and  the  learning  of  its 
friends. 

Governour  Hancock,  who  was  supposed  unfriend 
ly  to  the  constitution,  was  chosen  president  of  the 
convention,  but  ill  health  detained  him  from  its 
meetings,  by  means  of  which  all  the  influence  of 
the  acting  president,  judge  William  Gushing,  was 
in  possession  of  its  advocates.  Mr.  Samuel  Adams 
was  in  a  good  measure  neutral.  To  supply  the 
defect  arising  from  want  of  political  experience 
and  character,  the  majority  invited  Mr.  Gerry  to 
take  a  seat  in  the  convention,  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  such  information  as  should  from  time  to 
time  be  required  of  him.  As  each  of  his  colleagues 
in  the  convention  of  Philadelphia  wras  a  member 
of  that  of  Massachusetts,  the  invitation  had  the 
invidious  character  of  a  compliment  to  Mr.  Gerry, 
and  a  reflection  upon  their  integrity  or  judgment. 

In  the  mean  time,  no  management  was  omitted 
by  the  other  side  to  secure  in  numbers  the  su 
periority  they  possessed  in  talent.  The  efforts 
within  doors  were  seconded  by  every  possible  exer 
tion  abroad. 

The  newspapers  teemed  with  essays  in  every 
variety  of  form,  and  what  argument  was  unable  to 
effect,  satire,  lampoon  and  scurrility  were  exhaust 
ed  to  accomplish.  Some  arts  were  resorted  to, 


LIFE   OF    ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  71 

which  were  supposed  to  be  justified  by  the  great 
ness  of  the  object.  Personal  addresses,  not  un 
mixed  with  threats,  were  made  to  some  of  the 
members,  and  a  marked  distinction  in  private  in 
tercourse  was  observed  towards  the  "  irreclaim 
able  malignants,"  and  those  who  might  be  per 
suaded  to  change  their  opinions.  A  report  was 
soon  circulated,  that  the  constitution  would  be 
adopted  ;  and  as  a  consequence'  a  vessel  was  put 
on  the  stocks  at  one  of  the  northern  ship  yards, 
that  it  might  appear  that  the  very  first  prospect 
of  a  new  government  would  encourage  ship 
building,  commerce,  and  consequently  agricul 
ture,  while  in  truth  tin;  money  necessary  lor 
the  purpose;  was  obtained  by  voluntary  assess 
ment,  rather  to  secure  the  constitution,  than  to 
make  a  voyage. 

Kiir.ouraged  by  the  change  of  some  few  in  the 
assembly,  it  was  thought  politic  to  i^et  rid  of  Mr. 
Gerry,  whose  known  opinion  and  hiuli  personal 
character  gave  a  confidence  to  the  opponents  of 
the  constitution,  which  it  would  be  diflicult  to  de 
stroy. 

The  awkwardness  of  his  situation  rendered  this 
no  troublesome  task.  To  make  the  matter  more 
sure,  and  more  aggravating,  the  giving  of  the  blow 
was  assigned  to  a  friend,  long  and  intimately  asso 
ciated  with  him  in  the  trving  scenes  of  national 

•/ 

embarrassment. 

In  withdrawing  from  the  convention,  Mr.  Gerry 


72  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

addressed  a  letter  to  the  presiding  officer,  the  fol 
lowing  extracts  from  which  sufficiently  explain 
the  cause. 


EXTRACT    FROM   MR.   GERRY'S    LETTER  TO  VICE- 
PRESIDENT  GUSHING. 

After  having  on  Saturday  morning  stated  an  an 
swer  to  the  question  proposed  the  preceding  eve 
ning,  I  perceived  that  your  honourable  body  were 
considering  a  paragraph,  which  respected  an  equal 
representation  of  the  states  in  the  Senate,  and 
one  of  my  honourable  colleagues  observed  that  this 
was  agreed  to  by  a  committee  consisting  of  a 
member  from  each  state,  and  that  I  was  one  of 
the  number.  This  was  a  partial  narrative  of  facts 
which  I  conceived,  placed  my  conduct  in  an  unfa 
vourable  point  of  light,  probably  without  any  such 
intention  on  the  part  of  my  colleague. 

I  was  thus  reduced  to  the  disagreeable  alterna- 

o 

tive  of  addressing  a  letter  to  your  honour,  for  cor 
recting  this  error,  or  of  sustaining  the  injuries  re 
sulting  from  its  unfavourable  impression,  not  in 
the  least  suspecting  that  when  I  had  committed 
myself  to  the  convention,  without  the  right  of 
speaking  in  my  own  defence,  any  gentleman  would 
take  an  undue  advantage,  from  being  a  member  of 
the  house,  to  continue  the  misrepresentation  by 
suppressing  every  attempt  on  my  part  to  state  the 
facts.  I  accordingly  informed  your  honour  that  I 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  73 

was  preparing  a  letter,  to  throw  light  on  the  sub 
ject,  and  at  my  request,  you  was  so  obliging  as  to 
make  this  communication  to  the  house.  My  sole 
object  was  to  state  the  matter  as  it  respected  my 
conduct ;  but  I  soon  perceived  that  it  was  misun 
derstood  by  the  Hon.  Judge  Dana,  who  rose  with 
an  appearance  of  party  virulence  that  I  did  not 
expect,  and  followed  one  misrepresentation  with 
another,  by  impressing  the  house  with  the  idea 
that  I  was  entering  upon  their  debates.  I  request 
ed  leave  repeatedly,  to  explain  the  matter,  but  he 
became  more  vehement,  and  I  was  subjected  to 
strictures  from  several  parts  of  the  house  until  it 
adjourned,  without  even  being  permitted  to  declare 
that  I  disdained  such  an  intention,  and  did  not 
merit  such  unworthy  treatment." 

The  discussions  in  convention  still  proceeded  ; 
the  learning  of  the  law,  the  sacredness  of  the 
pulpit,  and  the  worldly  wisdom  of  the  mercantile 
profession  were  successively  put  in  requisition,  and 
delighted,  and  instructed,  and  overwhelmed  an  ad 
miring  multitude  ;  but  the  leaders  of  the  consti 
tution  party  were  afraid  to  trust  the  question  to  a 
final  vote. 

There  yet  remained  a  stern  mass  of  opposition, 
which  although  argued  down  and  silenced  in  a 
great  degree,  was  not  disheartened  nor  converted. 

A  now  measure  was  devised,  on  the  success  of 
which  great  confidence  was  reposed.  The  gov- 
ernour  had  held  his  own  opinions  in  reserve:  both 

VOL.    n.  10 


74  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

parties  chose  to  claim  his  vote.  In  this  doubtful 
state  of  things,  each  was  anxious  to  secure  his  in 
fluence,  while  they,  who  were  not  his  friends,  at 
tributed  his  absence  not  so  much  to  disease,  which 
was  the  assigned  cause,  as  to  a  desire  of  knowing 
which  side  should  be  taken  for  popularity. 

Although  the  leading  advocates  of  the  constitu 
tion  were  not  the  personal  friends  of  his  excel 
lency,  some,  over  whom  they  exercised  great  in 
fluence,  were  supposed  to  be  much  in  his  confi 
dence  ;  and  if  by  their  means  he  could  be  brought 
to  give  his  name  to  the  constitution,  it  was  thought 
that  there  would  no  longer  be  any  doubt  of  the 
result. 

A  select  few  of  the  advocates  for  the  constitu 
tion  waited  upon  the  governour  in  his  sick  cham 
ber  ;  they  congratulated  him  that  upon  his  vote, 
and  those  it  would  draw  with  it,  depended  the 
greatest  question,  which  could  ever  agitate  the 
country.  They  represented  to  him  the  glory  he 
would  acquire  in  the  adopting  of  so  momentous  a 
matter  by  his  own  personal  exertion,  and  the  po 
pularity  to  be  gained,  by  accomplishing  this  object 
in  a  manner  that  must  be  universally  acceptable. 

The  desire  of  securing  a  better  form  of  govern 
ment  than  the  existing  confederation,  was  known 
to  him  extensively  to  prevail,  and  while  the  be 
nefits  of  the  proposed  constitution  rendered  it  in 
many  respects  desirable,  the  objections,  which  had 
been  made  to  it,  had  been  fully  and  anxiously 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  75 

considered.  They  were  disposed  to  take  that 
middle  course,  which  consulting  and  uniting  the 
judgment  of  the  most  able  and  upright  men  on 
both  sides,  could  not  fail  to  meet  general  approba 
tion.  With  this  view,  they  had  prepared  a  series 
of  amendments,  which  had  been  the  result  of  most 
anxious  deliberation.  These  could  not  indeed  be 
incorporated  into  the  constitution  by  the  vote  of  a 
state,  but  they  could  accompany  the  ratification  as 
the  wish  and  expectation  of  this  important  member 
of  the  confederacy,  and  be  by  that  measure  finally 
secured.  They  tendered  to  his  excellency  the 
honour  of  proposing  them  in  convention.  The 
reputation  of  having  devised  this  middle  course, 
the  credit  of  announcing  it,  the  imperishable  glory 
of  its  success,  they  had  deemed  it  respectful  to 
offer  to  him,  that  to  the  fame  of  having  given  his 
official  sanction  to  the  declaration  of  his  country's 
independence,  might  be  added  that  of  securing  for 
it  a  permanent  constitution  of  government. 

The  charm  was  irresistible.  Wrapped  in  his 
flannels,  JIancock  in  a  day  or  two  took  the  chair 
of  the  convention,  and  a  scene  ensued  more  in  the 
character  of  a  dramatic  representation,  than  of 
that  serious  and  important  business,  which  was  the 
occasion  of  the  assembly. 

In  a  speech,  wise  and  plausible  enough  in  it 
self,  but  sufficiently  ludicrous  to  those  behind  the 
scenes,  the  governour  and  president  announced 
the  anxiety  of  his  mind,  his  doubts,  his  wishes,  his 


76  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

conciliatory  plan,  his  recommendation  to  adopt  the 
constitution  without  qualification,  and  to  propose 
for  future  amendment  such  alterations  as  respect 
for  the  opinions  of  the  dissatisfied,  or  a  careful  re 
gard  for  public  liberty  rendered  prudent  and  advis 
able. 

The  accession  of  such  a  man  as  Hancock,  to 
the  party  of  the  advocates  for  accepting  the  con 
stitution,  was  not  without  great  effect.  His  high 
character  and  consideration  in  the  community,  the 
reserve,  which  circumstances  had  seemed  to  im 
pose  upon  him,  the  calmness  with  which  he  came 
into  the  assembly,  the  effort,  which  in  defiance  of 
disease,  he  again  made  in  the  cause  of  his  country, 
the  moderation  of  his  councils,  which  appeared  to 
take  a  fortunate  middle  course  between  the  vio 
lence  of  opposing  factions,  had  a  most  imposing 
effect  on  the  convention,  and  seemed  already  to 
secure  an  anticipated  triumph.  The  measure  it 
self  was  discreet  and  judicious,  and  the  subtlety  of 
its  accomplishment  was  wholly  concealed  from 
those  on  whose  mind  it  was  intended  to  operate. 
Encouragement  now  dawned  on  the  advocates  of 
the  constitution,  but  the  favour  of  the  leading  op 
positionists  was  not  conciliated,  and  the  final  ques 
tion  was  too  important  to  be  submitted  to  any  pos 
sible  chance. 

It  had  been  the  policy  of  the  constitution  party 
to  operate  in  conversation  and  at  private  inter 
views,  as  well  as  in  open  debate  on  those  of  the 


LIFE  OF   ELBRJDGE   GERRY.  77 

opposite  side,  whom  by  any  means  of  persuasion 
it  had  been  thought  possible  to  change.  An  aged 
and  reverend  gentleman,  conspicuous  for  the  firm 
ness  of  his  opposition  and  the  plain  sincerity  of  his 
character,  was  by  that  tacit  understanding,  which 
regulated  the  affairs  of  this  assembly,  placed  under 
the  surveillance  of  a  distinguished  member  of  the 
legal  profession.  In  the  course  of  the  session,  the 
iniluence  of  this  honest  clergyman  had  greatly 
strengthened  the  confidence  of  his  neighbours  and 
friends,  and  the  plainness  and  directness  of  his  ob 
jections,  and  his  terse  and  comprehensive  mode  of 
expression,  disturbed  the  efforts  of  more  rhetorical, 
and  perhaps  more  logical  deelaimers. 

It  was  the  good  fortune  of  the  gentleman  above 
mentioned,  to  convert  him  from  an  opponent  into 
a  favourer  of  the  constitution,  so  that  notwithstand 
ing  his  previous  sentiments,  his  vote  on  the  ques 
tion  of  ratification  was  promised  in  the  affirmative. 

But  his  vote  secured  was  only  one  point  gained, 
and  the  inireiiious  commander  was  desirous  of  turn- 

o 

ing  the  artillery  he  had  captured  on  the  ranks  in 
which  it  had  formerly  been  borne.  For  this  pur 
pose,  the  reverend  gentleman  was  urged  to  speak 
in  convention,  and  give  evidence  of  his  new  faith. 
"  I  cannot,"  said  he,  "  obtain  the  iloor ;  the  young 
men  are  so  ardent  and  quick  of  motion,  that  they 
almost  always  precede  me."  "But  I  can,"  was 
the  reply  of  the  individual  who  had  been  instru 
mental  in  the  change  of  his  political  creed.  "  Do 


78  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

you  rise  when  the  convention  opens  in  the  morn 
ing  ;  I  will  do  the  same ;  if  the  president  allows 
me  the  floor  I  will  surrender  it  to  you." 

On  the  following  day,  the  good  old  gentleman 
rose  to  speak.  Haifa  dozen  voices  from  each  side 
of  the  house,  addressed  the  chair  at  the  same  mo 
ment  ;  but  the  presiding  officer  gave  the  individual 
referred  to  the  privilege  of  opening  the  debate. 
"  Sir,"  said  he,  addressing  the  president,  "  I  have 
some  remarks  to  submit  to  the  convention,  but  I 
see  a  venerable  gentleman  opposite  to  me,  desi 
rous  of  speaking,  who  though  differing  from  me  in 
some  opinions,  I  am  always  accustomed  to  listen 
to  with  profound  respect.  I  beg  leave  to  waive 
my  right  in  his  favour." 

The  change  in  the  mind  of  the  reverend  prose 
lyte  was  then  first  made  known  to  the  convention, 
and  produced  in  the  ranks  of  his  former  associates, 
an  unaffected  alarm,  insomuch  that  one  of  their 
number,  disregarding  the  decorum  of  debate,  could 
not  refrain  from  a  strong  exclamation  of  surprise, 
in  the  language  of  the  Psalmist,  "  Help  Lord,  for 
the  godly  man  faileth." 

The  question  was  at  length  taken,  on  a  ratifica 
tion  of  the  constitution  by  the  convention  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  passed  in  the  affirmative,  by  a  ma 
jority  of  nineteen  out  of  three  hundred  and  fifty-five 
members  who  voted. 


LIFE   OF  ELDRIDGE   GERRY.  79 


CHAPTER    III. 

Popular  feeling  in  .Massachusetts   on  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu 
tion Letter  to  General  tt'arrcn The  Federal  party  become 

a  majority Consequences. ......  Mr.  Gerry  a  candidate  for  Con 
gress Letter  to  the  Electors Lttttr  to  the  Governour 

To  General  Warren. 

THE  triumph  of  the  constitution  party  in  Mas 
sachusetts  was  celebrated  w  ith  all  the  pageantry 
of  conquest.  No  victory  of  the  revolution  was 'an 
nounced  with  greater  enthusiasm,  and  on  no  occa 
sion  was  the  exultation  of  success  more  offensively 
displayed.  The  vanquished  in  battle  had  been 
treated  with  greater  kindness  than  those  in  debate. 
Instead  of  the  courteous  demeanour,  which  the  gal 
lant  conqueror  of  a  foreign  foe  deems  it  honoura 
ble  to  assume,  there  was  a  display  of  that  super 
cilious  superiority,  which  marks  the  triumphs  of  a 
servile  war.  The  state  of  parties,  neither  in  the 
convention  nor  among  the  people,  could  have  justi 
fied  this  extravagant  rejoicing,  had  it  not  been  con 
sidered  the  most  effective  measure  to  swell  the 
actual  strength  of  the  majority,  and  to  extend  the 
influence  of  Massachusetts  into  states  whose  con 
ventions  were  yet  to  assemble.  Doubtful  of  the 
real  state  of  public  opinion,  the  constitution  party 
determined  to  assume  its  control,  and  to  secure 


80  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

by  apparent  acclamation,  what  had  been  carried 
with  exceeding  difficulty  through  the  forms  of  de 
bate. 

The  measure  was  a  wise  one.  Men  naturally 
love  the  side  of  power.  The  appearance  of  supe 
rior  strength  overawes  opposition,  and  gathers  to 
its  standard  that  vast  mass  of  the  community,  who 
always  belong  to  the  party  of  the  strongest.  The 
constitution  was  about  to  become  the  law  of 
the  land,  and  the  ambitious,  who  were  desirous  of 
its  honours,  the  interested,  who  might  solicit  the 
employments  it  would  confer,  and  the  discontented, 
whom  any  change  must  benefit,  added  the  force  of 
their  numbers  and  their  influence  to  those  intelli 
gent  patriots,  who  were  the  supporters  of  its  pro 
visions,  from  a  belief  of  their  inherent  propriety. 

The  great  exultation  at  the  time,  the  formation 
of  political  parties  with  reference  to  the  question 
decided,  and  the  superiority,  which  subsequent 
success  seems  to  have  stamped  on  the  judgment  of 
the  advocates  of  the  constitution,  have  transferred 
the  honour  of  the  event  to  those  whose  manage- 

o 

ment  was  in  truth  successful  rather  than  their  cause. 
A  general  sentiment  prevailed  that  a  new  form 
of  government  was  necessary  for  the  existence  of 
the  American  republic  ;  and  as  general  an  opinion 
that  the  constitution,  as  it  came  from  the  conven 
tion  at  Philadelphia,  would  not  answer  the  purpo 
ses  intended.  But  the  real  question  presented  to 
the  people,  was  whether  the  proposed  constitution 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  81 

should  be  accepted  as  it  was,  with  the  hope  of  ob 
taining  after  it  went  into  operation,  such  amend 
ments  as  were  desirable,  according  to  the  provi 
sion  for  that  purpose  contained  in  the  fifth  article, 
or  whether  the  ratification  should  be  delayed  until 
the  amendments  were  first  incorporated. 

It  is  certainly  true,  that  this  was  a  most  import 
ant  practical  difference,  and  might  well  excite  much 
of  the  controversy,  which  ensued,  but  as  in  all  the 
leading  states  amendments  were  in  fact  recom 
mended,  and  the  most  important  of  them  were  as 
speedily  as  practicable  incorporated  into  the  con 
stitution  according  to  the  forms  of  law,  two  infer 
ences  are  deducible  :  Jst,  That  those  members  of 
the  convention  at  Philadelphia  who  declined  sign 
ing  the  constitution,  were  sustained  in  their  refu 
sal  by  a  large  majority  of  the  immediate  representa 
tives  of  the  people  :  2ndly,  That  the -amazing  suc 
cess  of  this  great  experiment  on  the  practicability 
of  free  institutions,  is  not  to  be  ascribed  solely  to 
the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  as  at  first  pro 
posed,  but  to  its  actual  condition  after  these  im 
portant  alterations  were  made  in  it :  and  it  is  not 
a  little  surprising,  that  notwithstanding  the  con 
stitution,  if  it  must  have  remained  as  it  was  first 
promulgated,  would  have  been  rejected  by  an  im 
mense  vote,*  and  that  the  indispensable  necessi- 

*  An  unqualified  ratification  was  given  by  Delaware,  Pennsyl 
vania,   New-Jersey,  Connecticut,  Georgia,   Maryland,  and    after 
the  new  government  had  gone  into  operation,  by  North  Carolina. 
VOL.   II.  11  Amend- 


82  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ty  of  important  amendments  was  admitted  in  the 
state  conventions,  and  that  those  amendments 
were  in  truth  afterwards  incorporated,  they  whose 
great  object  was  accomplished  by  the  adoption  of 
these  amendments,  should  have  been  considered 
and  treated  as  the  vanquished  party,  and  that  those 
who  were  willing  to  accept  of  a  government  in  a 
form  to  which  the  people  would  not  consent,  should 
have  been  considered,  and  should  have  consider 
ed  themselves  as  victors  on  this  great  political 
arena. 

The  discussions,  which  were  held  in  the  several 
conventions,  and  by  the  instrumentality  of  the 
press,  did  not  indeed  limit  the  subject  of  difference 
to  the  point,  above  supposed.  The  occasion  was 
one,  which  enlisted  the  pride  of  men,  and  made 
them  competitors  rather  for  victory  than  for  truth. 
Exaggeration^  misrepresentation  and  mistake,  were 

Amendments  were  proposed  by  the  conventions  of  Massachu 
setts,  South  Carolina,  New-Hampshire,  Virginia  and  New- York. 
Rhode  Island  ratified  the  constitution  in  June  1790,  proposing 
amendments.  The  ratification  of  Pennsylvania  was  made  on  12th 
December  succeeding  the  convention,  and  was  charged  at  the 
time  with  being  urged  with  unfair  precipitancy.  It  occasion 
ed  some  disgraceful  riots,  and  other  marks  of  popular  tumult. 
This  is  the  only  large  state,  which  accepted  the  constitution  with 
out  limitation.  The  commentaries  and  declaration  of  rights  by 
other  states,  which  do  not  form  part  of  the  constitution  itself, 
have  nevertheless  exercised  an  important  influence  in  the  con 
struction  of  the  powers,  which  that  instrument  confers,  and  form 
a  contemporaneous  exposition  of  its  articles,  entitled  to  great 
respect. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  83 

the  natural  consequences.  Among  much  profound 
learning,  in  which  the  science  of  civil  government 
was  elaborately  and  thoroughly  explained,  and 
which  will  serve  while  men  continue  free,  indelibly 
to  mark  the  line  between  liberty  and  licentious 
ness,  and  to  define  what  force  is  required  for  the 
purposes  of  government,  without  danger  to  personal 
freedom,  there  was  mingled  whatever  could  in 
flame  the  passions  and  exasperate  the  feelings  of 
the  community.  Thev  who  favoured  the  new 
system,  concealed  or  diminished  its  objectionable 
provisions,  and  defended  such  as  were  of  doubtful 
utility  ;  the  other  side,  in  retaliation,  magnified  its 
supposed  evils,  and  sounded  an  alarm  for  public 
liberty  probably  beyond  their  fears. 

The  year  171J8  was  passed  by  the  statesmen  of 
the  United  States  under  all  the  agitation  and  ex 
citement,  which  attends  the  disunion  of  great  ques 
tions  of  political  interest,  and  with 'the  anxiety  that 
awaits  the  progress  of  an  important  and  uncertain 
event. 

JS'ot  satisfied  with  having  accomplished  their 
purposes  in  Massachusetts,  the  majority,  as  now 
they  must  be  termed,  seemed  to  consider  it  requi 
site  for  their  complete  triumph  to  run  down  the  re 
putation  of  all,  by  whom  they  had  been  obstructed. 

Past  political  services,  and  the  character  of  those 
revolutionary  patriots,  which  should  have  been  con 
sidered  tlie  property  of  the  nation,  were  of  no  avail 
in  the  all  absorbing  interest  of  the  present  divi- 


84  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  JJERRY. 

sions,  and  it  was  apparent  that  a  new  party  was 
to  be  formed,  whose  title  to  the  confidence  of  the 
people  wras  to  rest  on  the  zeal  or  ability  with 
which  they  had  smoothed  the  way  for  the  adop 
tion  of  the  new  constitution. 


MR.  GERRY   TO   GENERAL   WARREN. 

CAMBRIDGE,  JUNE  28,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  wish  you  would  so  order  your  arrangements 
as  to  favour  us  with  a  part  of  your  time,  although 
the  alarm  of  our  being  together  might  be  such  as 
to  station  sentries  at  Charlestown  bridge,  and  the 
fortifications  for  the  defence  of  the  federalists  in 
Boston. 

It  is  diverting  to  hear  the  manner  in  which 
these  people  amuse  themselves  at  our  expense. 
They  suggest  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  keep  this 
place  ;  and  should  it  be  true,  I  tell  them  I  hope  to 
find  purchasers  out  of  Boston.  Others  say  I  am 
much  affected  by  political  events,  and  disposed  to 
grow  melancholy,  and  so  long  as  this  is  attended 
with  a  metis  conscia  rccti,  they  may  think  as  they 
please  ;  for  melancholy  is  like  madness,  which 
has  a  pleasure  none  but  madmen  know. 

The  convention  of  New-York  will,  I  am  well 
informed,  annex  a  bill  of  rights  to  a  conditional 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  85 

ratification,  which  will  remove  all  our  objections, 
and  it  is  believed  Virginia  will  do  the  same.  Pat- 

o 

rick  Henry   has  been  brilliant  in  that  convention, 

and  very  severe  on who   is   reprobated 

for  his  duplicity  and  versatility.  1  know*  not  what 
judgment  to  form  with  respect  to  the  final  event, 
but  trust  in  Providence  for  protection  from  the 
thraldom,  which  may  be  apprehended,  unless  the 
new  constitution  shall  be  modified  and  amended. 

Do  not  let be   deterred  from  visiting  us, 

for  fear  that  she  and  -  may  be  again  distin 
guished  in  Boston  by  the  appellation  of  the  anti- 
federal  ladies. 

Your's  in  great  friendship, 

E.  GERRY. 


Notwithstanding  the  light  and  playful  spirit  of 
this  letter,  Mr.  Gerry  felt  severely  the  revulsion 
of  public  opinion,  and  the  loss  of  that  bright  popu 
larity,  the  sunshine  and  full  splendour  of  which 
had  hitherto  shone  upon  his  political  path. 

In  another  letter,  alluding  to  the  same  topic,  he 
remarks  :  "  The  vigilant  enemies  of  free  govern 
ment  have  been  long  in  the  execution  of  their  plan 
to  hunt  down  all  who  remain  attached  to  revolution 
principles ;  they  have  attacked  us  in  detail  and 
have  deprived  you,  Mr.  S.  Adams  and  myself  in  a 
great  measure  of  that  public  confidence  to  which  a 
faithful  attachment  to  the  public  interest  entitles 


86  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

us,  and  they  are  now  aiming  to  throw  Mr.  Han 
cock  out  of  the  saddle,  who,  with  all  his  foibles, 
is  yet  attached  to  the  whig  cause.  There  seems 
to  be  a  disposition  in  the  dominant  party  to  es 
tablish  a  nobility  of  opinion,  under  whose  control 
in  a  short  time,  will  be  placed  the  government  of 
the  union  and  the  states,  and  whose  insufferable 
arrogance  marks  out  for  degradation  all  who  will 
not  submit  to  their  authority.  It  is  beginning  to 
be  fashionable  to  consider  the  opponents  of  the 
constitution  as  embodying  themselves  with  the 
lower  classes  of  the  people,  and  that  one  forfeits 
all  title  to  the  respect  of  a  gentleman,  unless  he  is 
one  of  the  privileged  order.  Is  this,  my  friend,  to 
be  the  operation  of  the  free  government,  which  all 
our  labours  in  the  revolution  have  tended  to  pro 
duce  ?" 

The  state  of  affairs  at  this  period  was  excessive 
ly  galling  to  honourable  men,  who  next  to  the 
conscientious  discharge  of  duty  derived  their  best 
reward  from  the  approbation  of  the  people,  and 
now  saw  all  the  high  objects  of  their  laudable  am 
bition  broken  at  a  blow,  But  such  was  the  angry 
temper  of  the  public  mind,  or  rather  such  the  state 
to  which  an  interested  part  of  the  community  was 
disposed  to  excite  it,  that  not  only  they  who  had 
decidedly  opposed  the  constitution,  but  those  even 
who  had  not  been  conspicuously  zealous  in  its  de 
fence,  were  exposed  to  the  pitiless  pelting  of  the 
storm,  and  devoted  to  obloquy  and  disgrace. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  87 

Divided  as  the  people  were,  on  the  question  of 
acceptance,  it  is  no  mark  of  their  stability,  that 
those  who  were  called  to  pronounce  the  conscien 
tious  decision  of  their  judgment  should  lose  their 
favour  by  placing  themselves  in  opposition  ;  and 
certainly  less  to  the  credit  of  their  justice,  that 
even  an  error  of  judgment  on  this  debateable  propo 
sition  should  cancel  the  debt  of  gratitude,  \\hich 
the  whole  revolution  had  accumulated.  But  other 
ages  show  the  insecurity  of  popular  favour,  and 
other  periods  of  our  own  history  are  not  deficient 
in  lessons,  which  teach  its  unsubstantial  and  evan 
escent  existence. 

The  boldness  of  the  party,  which  had  not  long 
before  been  even  a  weak  minority,  in  assuming  a 
control  of  public  feeling,  and  fearlessly  and  rash 
ly  assailing  the  long  tried  and  well  favoured  ser 
vants  of  the  people,  whose  claim  on  the  affections 
of  their  fellow  citi/ens  m'urht  have  given  currency 
even  to  a  bad  cause,  would  be  much  more  the  sub 
ject  of  surprise,  if  its  success  had  not  transfixed 
our  astonishment. 

Such  however,  was  the  rapid  change  of  public 
sentiment  that  the  constitution  party,  which  at  the 
elections  for  the  convention  had,  in  many  places, 
not  dared  to  avow  themselves,  was  now  a  most 
imposing  and  resistless  majority,  and  flushed  with 
all  the  pride  of  unexpected  success,  were  little 
disposed  to  regard  the  feelings,  the  services,  or  the 
character  of  their  defeated  adversaries.  Indeed, 


88  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

in  the  intemperance  of  the  time,  the  constitution 
question  superseded  almost  every  where,  all  other 
considerations.  The  few  days  of  service  in  the 
state  convention  were  esteemed  of  more  impor 
tance  than  whole  campaigns  in  the  field  ;  and  he 
who  had  only  his  services  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
revolution,  as  his  credentials  to  public  favour,  was 
almost  sure  to  be  superseded  by  the  greater  popu 
larity  of  more  recent  favourites. 

Thus  in  the  election  for  members  of  congress, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  new  government,  Mr. 
Fisher  Ames,  then  only  known  as  a  young  debater 
of  talents,  prevailed  over  the  immortal  father  of 
the  revolution,  Samuel  Adams.  General  Warren, 
whose  public  character  has  been  displayed  in  cor 
respondence  with  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  and 
who  had  long  enjoyed  the  esteem,  and  received  the 
honours  of  his  native  state,  was  unsuccessful  in 
Plymouth ;  and  so  many  others  divided  the  votes 
with  Mr.  Gerry,  who  was  a  candidate  in  Middle 
sex,  that  no  choice  was  made  on  that  first  theatre 
of  American  independence. 

The  election  of  senators  under  the  new  govern 
ment  was  equally  decisive  of  the  temper  of  the 
times.  For  many  years  Mr.  Gerry  had  enjoyed 
the  most  implicit  confidence  of  the  general  court ; 
no  mark  of  their  highest  esteem  had  ever  been  with 
held  from  him  ;  and  on  every  occasion  in  which 
his  name  was  presented  for  their  ballots,  it  had  re 
ceived  nearly  an  unanimous  vote.  Now  indeed 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  89 

the  case  was  changed  ;  so  changed  that  his  friends 
were  unwilling  to  expose  him  to  the  mortification 
of  defeat,  by  proposing  him,  according  to  their 
first  design,  as  a  candidate  for  the  senate  of  the 
United  States.* 

The  result  showed  their  prudence.  Mr.  Strong 
was  chosen  by  both  branches,  without  opposition. 
But  the  friends  of  amendments  proposed  as  his 
colleague,  Dr.  Charles  Jarvis,  personally  a  great 
favourite  with  the  people,  who  though  he  voted 
for  the  constitution  in  the  convention,  was  known 
to  consider  with  great  respect,  the  objections  that 
had  been  made  to  it,  and  to  be  as  solicitous  as  Mr. 
Gerry,  to  secure  the  alterations,  which  had  been 
proposed.  The  house  of  representatives  at  three 
successive  ballots  gave  him  a  majority  of  votes  ; 
but  the  senate  nonconcured  in  the  appointment, 
and  each  time  returned  a  different  candidate.  The 
choice  finally  settled. on  honourable  Tristram  Dai- 
ton,  who  had  declared  in  the  state  convention  his 
perfect  satisfaction  with  the  constitution  as  it 
stood,  without  any  preference  for  the  amendments 
proposed. 

By  a  most  fortunate  selection  of  a  distinguishing 
name,  the  advocates  for  the  constitution,  who  were 

*Moro  liberal  sentiments  prevailed  in  Virginia,  where  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  the  mover  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  nnd  a 

strenuous  opponent  of  the  constitution  was  elected  to  the  senate 
of  the  I'uited  States  against  James  Mtulison,  its  most  powerful 
advocate. 

VOL.    II.  12 


90  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

fast  forming  and  organizing  themselves  into  a  dis 
tinct  party  in  the  state,  assumed  the  appellation 
of  federalists ;  yet  inasmuch  as  the  chief  objec 
tion  to  the  new  government  consisted  in  its  not 
being  a  federal,  but  a  national  system,  this  pat 
ronymic  might  more  justly  have  been  claimed  by 
the  opposite  side.  The  term  however  was  popu 
lar,  and  the  popular  party  seized  it,  and  under  its 
influence  have  justified  the  remark  of  a  judicious 
observer  of  affairs,  that  they  who  make  ballads 
and  songs  for  the  people  have  commonly  more  in 
fluence  than  those  who  make  the  laws. 

A  second  ballot  was  ordered  for  Middlesex,  and 
not  only   the   personal  friends  of  Mr.  Gerry,  but 
that  political  party,  to  which  he  might  now  be  said 
to  belong,  insisted  on   again  placing   his  name  be 
fore  the  public.      The  zeal  of  the   one  excited  the 
exertions  of  the   other,  and   efforts  were  made  by 
both,  corresponding  to  the  importance  of  the  con 
test.     The   competitor  of  Mr.  Gerry  on  the   first 
trial  had  been  Mr.  Nathaniel  Gorham,  a  gentleman 
of  character  and  property,  whose  family  had  long 
been  residents  in    the    county.      He  had  himself 
presided  as    chairman    of   the  committee    of   the 
whole,  in  the  convention  at  Philadelphia,  and  was 
distinguished  as  an  advocate  for  the   constitution 
in  the  convention  of  Massachusetts.     At  the  sec 
ond   trial  the   votes  were  divided   among   several 
competitors.      On  this  occasion   the   public  press 
opened  its  batteries  of  detraction,  as  if  to  prove  the 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  91 

utter  insecurity  of  reputation,  when  faction  is  de 
sirous  of  destroying  it. 

To  judge  by  some  of  the  journals  of  that  day,  it 
would  be  thought  that  the  "  antifederal"  candidate 
for  Middlesex  had  neither  experience,  talents,  or 
public  character ;  that  he  was  some  obscure,  or 
not  trustworthy  individual,  who  for  the  first  time 
had  entered  upon  public  life  in  the  convention,  and 
grossly  mistaking,  or  willfully  counteracting,  or 
from  personal  interest  desirous  of  defeating  the 
public  sentiment,  was  properly  to  end  his  labours 
with  the  scene  in  which  they  had  commenced. 

Disgusted  with  the  virulence  of  the  enemies  by 
whom  he  was  assailed,  and  averse  from  reengaging 
in  the  routine  of  legislative  duty,  in  which  he  had 
all  his  life  been  employed,  Mr.  Gerry  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  the  electors  of  Middlesex  : 

Friends  and  Fellow  Citizens  : 
It  appearing  from  your  suffrages  that  I  am  one  of 
your  candidates  for  a  federal  representative,  give 
me  leave  for  this  evidence  of  your  confidence,  to 
express  my  warmest  acknowledgments,  but  at  the 
same  time  to  request  that  such  of  you  as  may 
again  be  disposed  to  honour  me  with  your  votes, 
will  turn  your  attention  to  some  other  candidate  ; 
for  although  I  have  been  lonir  honoured  with  the 

O  c5 

confidence  of  my  countrymen,  and  am  conscious 
that  a  regard  to  their  political  happiness  has  been 
the  sole  motive  of  my  conduct,  yet  circumstanced 


92  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

as  I  am,  an  election  would  by  no  means  be  agree 
able. 

Since  however  my  name  is  again,  without  any 
effort  or  inclination  of  my  own,  brought  into  public 
view,  I  embrace  this  opportunity  to  explain  that 
conduct,  for  which  I  have  been  treated  with  so 
much  invective  and  abuse. 

When  the  question  on  the  constitution  was  put 
in  the  federal  convention,  conceiving  myself  to  be 
in  a  land  of  liberty,  where  the  privilege  of  delibe 
rating  and  voting  with  freedom  would  be  firmly 
supported,  I  voted  against  the  constitution,  because 
in  my  opinion,  it  was  in  many  respects  defective* 

Had  my  opinion  been  founded  in  error,  it  would 
have  been  only  an  error  of  judgment.  But  five 
states  having  ratified  the  constitution,  in  the  ful 
lest  expectation  of  amendments,  and  two  having 
rejected  it,  no  one  can,  I  think,  deny  that  my 
opinion  has  been  confirmed  by  a  majority  of  the 
union.  An  attempt  has  been  made  by  means  of 
invective,  to  impair  or  destroy  the  privilege  men 
tioned  ;  a  privilege,  which  no  good  citizen  will 
ever  permit  to  die  in  his  hands,  and  which  the 
good  sense  of  the  community  will  protect  as  one  of 
the  pillars  of  a  free  state. 

Some  have  endeavoured  to  represent  me  as  an 
enemy  to  the  constitution  ;  than  which  nothing  is 
more  remote  from  truth.  Since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  revolution,  I  have  been  ever  solicitous 
for  an  efficient  federal  government,  conceiving 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  93 

that  without  it  we  must  be  a  divided  and  unhap 
py  people.  A  government  too  democratical,  I  have 
deprecated ;  but  wished  for  one  that  should  pos 
sess  power  sufficient  for  the  welfare  of  the  union, 
and  at  the  same  time  be  so  balanced  as  to  secure 
the  governed  from  the  rapacity  and  domination  of 
lawless  and  insolent  ambition.  To  an  uncondi 
tional  ratification  I  was  therefore  opposed,  be 
cause  thereby  every  necessary  amendment  would 
be  precarious.  But  as  the  system  is  adopted,  I 
am  clearly  of  opinion  that  every  citizen  of  the 
ratifying  states  is  in  duty  bound  to  support  it, 
and  that  an  opposition  to  a  due  administration  of 
it  would  not  only  be  unjustifiable,  but  highly  cri 
minal. 

Amendments  every  citizen  has  a  right  to  urge 
without  exciting  a  spirit  of  persecution,  which  is 
unnecessary  in  a  good  cause,  and  never  gains  pro 
selytes  in  a  bad  one.  Every  friend  of  a  vigorous 
government  must,  as  1  conceive,  be  desirous  of 
such  amendments  as  will  remove  the  just  appre 
hensions  of  the  people,  and  secure  their  confidence 
and  affection.  To  defeat  amendments  of  this  de 
scription,  must  be  in  effect  to  defeat  the  constitu 
tion  itself.  When  the  question  on  amendments 
shall  have  received  a  constitutional  decision,  I  shall 
cheerfully  acquiesce,  and  in  any  event,  shall  be 
happy  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  respectable 
county  of  Middlesex,  of  this  commonwealth,  and 
of  the  United  States. 


94  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

The  part,  which  I  have  had  to  act,  and  the  un- 
candid  treatment,  which  I  have  received  in  this 
matter  will,  I  trust,  justify  me  in  being  thus  ex 
plicit,  for  J  am  conscious  that  every  part  of  my  po 
litical  conduct  has  had  for  its  object,  the  public 
welfare. 

I  am,  with  the  highest  respect, 

Your  humble  servant, 

E.  GERRY. 

Whether  this  declaration  was  intended  to  aid, 
or  prevent  his  election,  his  friends  would  not  with 
draw  his  name,  and  notwithstanding  a  powerful 
competition,  they  succeeded  in  electing  him  on 
the  second  ballot,  by  a  small  majority. 

In  his  letter  of  acceptance  to  the  governour,  he 
says,  "  I  am  deeply  impressed  with  this  honoura 
ble  testimony  of  the  electors  of  Middlesex,  after  I 
had  repeatedly  informed  them  of  my  declining  the 
appointment.  This  however  has  placed  me  in  a 
situation,  which  of  all  others  I  wished  to  avoid ; 
being  thereby  reduced  to  the  disagreeable  alterna 
tive  of  disappointing  my  fellow  citizens,  who  have 
conferred  on  me  their  suffrages,  or  of  filling  a  place, 
which  the  most  cogent  reasons  had  urged  me  to 
decline.  Under  these  circumstances,  in  the  criti 
cal  state  of  public  affairs,  I  have  preferred  the  lat 
ter,  being  determined  to  sacrifice  every  personal 
consideration,  to  the  acceptance  of  the  office  ; 
that  desirous  as  I  am  of  the  establishment  of  a 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  95 

federal  government,  no  act  of  mine  may  have  the 
least  appearance  of  impeding  it." 

The  sincerity  of  his  views  is  made  more  appa 
rent  by  a  letter  to  his  confidential  friend. 


MR.    GERRY    TO    GENERAL    WARREN. 

CAMBRIDGE,  FEBRUARY   15,  1789. 

MY   DEAR  SIR, 

I  suspect  you  will  consider  me  as  manifesting  a 
disposition  to  change  my  principles,  or  of  a  want 
of  resolution  to  adhere  to  them,  when  I  tell  you  it 
is  probable  I  shall  go  to  congress.  Indeed  if  this 
be  your  opinion,  you  will  alter  it  when  I  assure 
you  of  all  political  events  in  which  I  have  been 
interested,  my  election  I  consider  as  most  unfor 
tunate  to  myself.  I  bad  not,  during  its  pendency, 
the  most  remote  idea  of  acceptance,  but  thought 
of  it  with  horror. 

I  now  think  the  measure  one  of  all  others  that 
threatens  destruction  to  my  peace,  interest  and 
welfare,  and  yet  such  has  been  the  torrent  of  abuse 
against  me,  that  no  person  here  will  listen  to  my 
declining  ;  my  best  friends  say  the)  shall  be  sacri 
ficed  by  my  refusal,  and  that  1  myself  shall  be 
considered  as  an  obstinate  opposer  of  the  govern 
ment,  which  is  an  opinion  that  has  recently  been 
much  circulated. 

Should  I  decline  then,  1  am  to  be  considered  as 


96  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

a  non-juror  in  Great  Britain,  or  an  Irish  Catholic, 
and  sooner  than  so  live,  I  would  quit  the  continent. 
In  accepting,  I  see  nothing  but  two  years  of  ex 
treme  disagreeables.  To  gratify  my  friends,  and 
to  avoid  the  consequences  menaced,  I  have  selected 
a  certain  positive  evil ;  whether  it  be  the  least  of 
the  two,  I  am  yet  to  learn. 

In  another  letter  to  the  same  gentleman,  after 
having  taken  his  seat  in  congress,  he  thus  wrrites : 
"  I  cannot  accept  your  compliments,  for  I  assure 
you  my  situation  here  is  a  very  awkward  one.  I 
foresaw  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  feel 
easy  in  a  branch  of  the  federal  legislature  where  I 
had  few  or  no  connexions  or  friends.  Whatever 
the  state  of  my  case  may  be  upon  republican  prin 
ciples,  I  cannot  separate  it  in  my  mind  from  an  idea 
of  degradation,  when  I  reflect  that  the  flower  of 
my  life  has  been  spent  in  the  arduous  business  of 
the  revolution,  and  see  a  preference  given  to  those 
who  have  endured  very  few  of  its  toils  ;  but  we 
both  know  that  republics  were  never  remarkable 
for  the  constancy  of  their  attachment,  and  there 
fore  private  life  is  the  place  in  which  we  are  most 
to  look  for  happiness,  especially  when  the  road  to 
political  honours  lies  through  the  mazes  of  intrigue, 
servility  and  corruption.  I  have  had  so  much  to  do 
with  legislation,  that  I  feel  an  aversion  to  any  fur 
ther  occupation  of  that  kind,  and  am  satisfied  that 
retirement  would  most  contribute  to  my  own  and 
my  family's  happiness,  therefore  I  fear  not  any 


LIFE  OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  97 

mortification  from  my  enemies ;  but  from  my  friends 
I  do  indeed  experience  it,  by  their  urging  me  to 
places,  which  are  neither  pleasant,  lucrative  nor 
honourable.  Their  measures  put  me  in  trammels; 
had  I  declined,  it  would  have  been  said  and  believed 
that  I  was  a  determined  enemy  to  the  federal  gov 
ernment,  and  my  friends  would  have  been  reproach 
ed  for  supporting  a  man,  who  would  not  attend  con 
gress  to  procure  the  amendments  he  had  warmly  in 
sisted  upon.  Indeed  I  should  have  been  obliged  to 
leave  the  state,  to  seek  a  more  agreeable  residence, 
which  could  only  have  been  done  by  the  sacrifice 
of  much  property  ;  I  have  therefore  been  obliged, 
by  accepting  this  place,  to  submit  to  a  temporary 
mortification  to  counteract  the  malignity  of  invete 
rate  foes. 

"  I  cannot  but  smile  at  the  art  or  folly,  for  I 
know  not  which  is  the  true  cause,  of  those  who 
represent  me  as  being  dated  at  my  appointment, 
when  the  acceptance  is  indeed  forced  upon  me  by 
circumstances,  which  operate  as  a  great  injustice 
to  myself.  As  to  the  new  government,  1  am  and 
always  was  a  federalist,  but  not  in  their  sense  of 
the  term.  I  feel  bound  in  honour  to  support  a 
system  that  has  been  ratified  by  a  majority  of  my 
fellow  citi/ens  ;  to  oppose  it  would  be  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  civil  war,  and  to  lay  a  foundation  for  mili 
tary  tyranny.  I  shall  be  a  spectator  merely,  until 
I  can  form  some  adequate  idea  of  men  and  mea 


sures." 


VOL.     II.  13 


98  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 


CHAPTER     IV. 

First  Congress  of  United  States Parties   therein.. ..Speech  on 

amendments  to  the  Constitution The  public  creditors Em 
ployments  of  private  life Origin  of  the  Democratic  party 

Commentary  on  the  account  given  by  the  biographer  of  Washing 
ton French  revolution British  treaty Chosen  to  the 

Electoral  College  of  Massachusetts Votes  for  Mr.  Mams 

Correspondence  with  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  election With  a  lady. 

THE  government  of  the  United  States,  under 
the  federal  constitution,  was  organized  at  New- 
York  in  April  1 789.  There  was  a  charm  of  novelty 
in  its  arrangements  well  calculated  to  aid  its  intrin 
sic  merits,  and  secure  a  propitious  popularity. 

Congress  however  like  the  nation  itself,  was 
composed  of  men,  who  in  the  national  or  state 
conventions,  or  in  the  primary  assemblies  of  the 
people,  had  taken  opposite  views  of  the  new  frame 
of  government,  and  formed  different  estimates  of 
its  worth.  Principles,  which  were  brought  into 
the  earlier  discussion  of  its  character,  had  lost  none 
of  their  force,  and  passions,  which  collision  excited, 
if  they  had  in  some  degree  subsided,  were  certain 
ly  not  extinguished.  Honest  men  of  all  parties 
were  disposed  to  give  the  new  system  a  fair  setting 
off,  and  to  provide  all  reasonable  equipments  for 
its  long  and  profitable  voyage.  Opposition  was 
unorganized.  Indeed  as  the  constitution  was  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  they  who  objected  to  its 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  99 

ratification,  now  that  their  original  objections  were 
unavailing,  professed  to  treat  it  with  the  respect 
due  to  sovereign  authority. 

The  political  elements  collected  in  the  fjrst  con 
gress,  notwithstanding  these  appearances,  could 
not  easily  assimilate  ;  and  their  natural  repulsion 
was  increased  by  artificial  excitements.  They  by 
whose  efforts  the  government  had  been  called  into 
being,  felt  themselves  its  natural  guardians,  and 
were  unwilling  to  share  their  honours  with  less 
fortunate  companions  ;  while  the  other  class,  who 
considered  their  oath  of  fidelity  as  security  for  al 
legiance,  resented  as  derogatory  and  offensive  every 
attempt  at  discrimination.  It  was  soon  apparent 
that  lines  of  division  would  be  drawn,  not  easily  to 
be  effaced. 

The  state  elections  had  given  to  the  federalists* 

*  In  the  course  of  an  early  debate,  Mr.  Gerry  took  occasion  to 
remark  that  he  did  not  like  the  term  national,  in  a  resolution  then 
before  the  house.  However  correct  it  was  abstractly  consider 
ed,  it  had  acquired  in  the  debates  on  the  coqstitution,  a  technical 
meaning,  and  was  used  to  designate  a  consolidation,  and  not  a 
confederacy  of  the  states.  The  term  federal  too,  he  said,  properly 
belonged  to  those,  who  really  desiring  a  federal  union,  had  felt  it 
a  duty  to  oppose  one,  which  in  their  view  had  few  fedr  al  princi 
ples,  and  it  was  improper  that  the  friends  of  amending  the  system 
should  be  called  antifederalists,  inasmuch  as  they*  eminently 
were  the  advocates  of  a  federal  government.  As  the  question 
had  been  presented  to  the  people,  it  was  between  those  who 
wen;  then  for  ratifying  the  constitution,  and  those  who  would 
have  delayed  it,  or  between  ratifiers  and  anti-ratifiers.  These 
then  should  have  been  their  denominations,  which  by  abbre 
viation  might  entitle  them  to  the  appellatives  rats,  and  anti-rats. 


100  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

decided  superiority  in  numbers,  and  an  imposing 
weight  of  character.  Ambition,  not  easily  ex 
cluded  from  an  assembly  of  statesmen,  secured  for 
them  the  arrangements  and  confederacy  of  a  politi 
cal  party.  Power  was  in  their  hands,  and  its  natu 
ral  tendency  to  self-confidence  and  pride  was  not 
diminished  by  the  mode  of  acquiring  it. 

Stern  republicans,  who  had  resisted  the  existing 
form  from  a  jealous  apprehension  of  its  conse 
quences,  found  in  thus  realizing  their  fears,  new 
cause  of  respect  for  their  judgment,  and  none  for 
relinquishing  opinions,  which  experience  seemed 
to  them  gradually  to  confirm.  Other  incidents 
strengthened  these  convictions.  There  appeared  to 
one  class  of  the  community  too  much  conformity 
in  the  external  form  of  the  new  government  to  the 
pageantry  of  European  courts,  in  levees,  audiences 
and  addresses,  not  suited  to  the  plain  habits  of  an  un 
ostentatious  democracy.  Efforts  to  confer  high  ti 
tles  on  its  great  functionaries,*  to  make  a  discri 
mination  in  the  rank  and  emoluments  of  the  two 
branches  of  the  legislature  ;  to  fix  compensation  for 
services  beyond  the  standard  of  like  duties  in  the 
states,  and  above  all,  the  latitude  of  construction, 
which  there  was  a  supposed  inclination  to  give  to 
the  language  of  the  constitution,  early  filled  many 
minds  with  serious  apprehensions. 

*  The  president  to  be  called  his  higliness.  So  at  first  voted 
in  the  senate.  Some  newspapers  proposed  that  the  members  of 
the  house  of  representatives  should  be  called  honourable  ;  sena 
tors  to  be  addressed  as  right  honourable. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  101 

The  exercise  of  government  patronage  was  a 
further,  and  as  it  always  has  been,  an  irritating 
subject  of  dissatisfaction  and  uneasiness.  The 
friends  of  amendments,  now  generally  and  most 
unwisely  held  up  in  the  light  of  an  opposition  ac 
cording  to  English  precedent,  began  to  apprehend 
that  if  they  were  not  marked  by  a  stern  principle 
of  exclusion  from  participating  in  the  honours  of 
public  employment,  they  were  beheld  with  suspi 
cion  and  slight  regard. 

The  composition  of  the  cabinet  and  appoint 
ments  to  which  the  personal  knowledge  of  the 
president  extended,  were  not  included  in  their  dis 
satisfaction,  but  beyond  that  line  the  unfriendly 
influence  of  a  government  party  was  thought  to  be 
visible. 

Indeed  the  personal  character  of  the  president 
was  fortunately  for  the  country  a  rock,  on  which 
the  whole  community  rested.  Implicit  confidence 
wras  placed  in  his  patriotism  and  ability  ;  and  his 
alternate  gratification  and  reproof  of  the  leaders  of 
each  party,  restrained  the  tumult  of  the  waves, 
which  at  that  early  period  threatened  to  sweep 
from  before  them  the  then  unsettled  fabric  of  free 
dom. 

It  was  perhaps  pardonable  to  believe  that  men, 
who  opposed  the  constitution,  would  embarrass 
the  government.  But  there  were  measures  of 
such  novel  and  intricate  character  incident  to  the 
establishment  of  a  federative  empire,  that  a  more 


102  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

candid  consideration  of  the  motives  of  the  public 
agents  is  now  due  to  their  fame.  A  desire  to  secure 
such  amendments  to  the  national  charter  as  had 
been  deemed  necessary  by  the  states,  was  indeed 
the  anxious  wish  of  those  statesmen  with  whom 
Mr.  Gerry  had  acted.  To  motives  derived  from  a 
conviction  of  their  intrinsic  importance,  were  ad 
ded  without  doubt  those,  which  addressed  them 
selves  to  their  pride  of  opinion  and  their  character 
before  the  people;  but  even  the  question  of  amend 
ments  they  were  willing  to  postpone  to  the  more 
urgent  subjects,  which  the  organization  of  a  new 
government  pressed  on  their  notice. 

Mr.  Gerry,  who  unquestionably  spoke  the  senti 
ments  of  this  class,  gave  ample  evidence  of  their 
disposition  to  aid  in  good  faith  those  measures  of 
general  interest  for  which  the  government  was  in 
stituted,  and  of  the  reluctance  with  which  they 
would  be  driven  into  opposition  by  illiberality  or 
harshness. 

"  I  am  of  opinion,"  he  said  in  debate,  "  that  we 
should  despatch  the  important  subjects  now  on  the 
table,  and  reserve  the  great  questions  concerning 
the  form  of  the  constitution,  to  a  period  of  tran 
quillity  and  leisure.  It  is  indeed  a  momentous 
subject,  and  very  near  my  heart,  and  I  shall  be 
glad  to  set  about  it  as  speedily  as  possible  ;  but  I 
would  not  stay  the  operations  of  government  on 
that  account.  I  think  our  political  ship  should  be 
first  got  uuder  way,  and  that  she  be  not  suffered 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  103 

to  lay  by  the  wharf,  until  she  beats  off  her  rudder, 
or  runs  a  wreck  on  shore.  I  wish  an  early  day 
may  be  assigned  for  the  consideration  of  amend 
ments,  to  prevent  the  necessity,  which  the  states 
may  feel  themselves  under  of  calling  a  new  con 
vention.  If  I  am  not  one  of  those  fascinated  ad 
mirers  of  the  system  who  consider  it  all  perfection, 
I  am  not  so  blind  nor  so  uncandid,  that  I  cannot 
see,  or  will  not  acknowledge  it  has  beauties.  It 
partakes  of  humanity;  there  is  blended  in  it  virtue 
and  vice,  excellence  and  error.  If  it  be  referred 
to  a  new  convention,  we  risk  some  of  its  best  pro 
perties.  My  opinion  was  openly  given,  that  it 
ought  not  to  have  been  ratified  without  amend 
ments,  but  as  the  matter  now  stands,  I  am  firmly 
of  opinion  that  the  salvation  of  America  depends 
on  the  establishment  of  this  government,  whether 
amended  or  not.  If  this  constitution,  which  is 
now  ratified,  be  not  supported,  I  despair  of  ever 
having  a  government  lor  these  United  States." 

The  sentiments  thus  expressed,  were  those  to 
which  candid  men  could  take  no  exception.  They 
were  the  honest  sentiments  of  a  class  of  the  com 
munity,  which  if  not  thru  an  actual  majority,  was 
numerous  and  respectable  enough  not  wantonly 
to  have  been  assailed.  It  tended  nothing  to  una- 
nimitv,  that  such  men  found  themselves  looked 
upon  with  suspicion,  and  their  professions  listened 
to  with  an  incredulity  that  was  little  else  than  an 
imputation  upon  them  of  stratagem  and  fraud. 


104  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

The  feelings,  which  this  state  of  things  excited, 
were  not  calmed  or  conciliated  by  the  measures 
proposed  and  adopted  by  congress.     There  was  a 
radical  difference  of  principle  among  the  members, 
as  great,  as  could  be  found  on  the  subject  of  the 
subject  of  the  constitution  itself,  in  the  proposi 
tions  of  Mr.  Pendleton  and  the  scheme  of  Colonel 
Hamilton.    Notwithstanding  this  fact,  which  would 
sooner  or  later  produce  more  open  discordance,  Mr. 
Gerry  and  his  political  friends  lent  with  good  faith 
the  aid  of  their  abilities  and  experience  to  the  mea 
sures  of  the  government.     In  the  commercial  and 
financial  departments,  where  previous  application 
had  given  him  great  facility  and  acquaintance,  he 
was  early  put  in  requisition,  and  in  forming  the 
first  tariff  and  tonnage  bills,  he  laboured  with  great 
industry  and  perseverance.     Information,  which  is 
now  easily  acquired  through  regular  channels,  and 
is  systematized   by  the    assistance  of  clerks,  was 
then  obtained  by  the  exertion  of  individual  mem 
bers.     The  vast  mass  of  documents,  which  went 
into  the  composition  of  these  first  bills  of  revenue, 
were  collected,  arranged  and  consolidated,  by  his 
personal  labour.* 

With  zeal  for  an  efficient  and  energetic  admin- 

O 

istration,  and  a  sincere  desire  to  cooperate  in  es 
tablishing  it,  his  views  and  those  of  his  friends 

*  The  voluminous  correspondence  and  the  immense  statistical 
abstracts  among  his  papers,  is  authority  for  the  remark  in  the 
text. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  105 

were  in  many  respects  so  different  from  the  ma 
jority  of  congress,  that  they  could  not  escape  the 
imputation  of  conducting  a  concerted  opposition. 

"  It  is  my  rule,"  said  lie  in  a  private  letter,  "  to 
support  such  measures  as  I  think  good  or  harmless, 
and  to  oppose  those,  from  whatever  quarter  they 
come,  which  are  in  my  opinion  of  a  different  cha 
racter  ;  hut  when  the  project  is  ripened  into  a  law, 
I  feel  bound  to  respect  it,  however  its  passage  may 
have  been  procured.  But  this  does  not  satisfy  a 
certain  class  of  men,  who  have  very  pompous  no 
tions  of  government,  and  seem  disposed  to  make 
those  powers,  which  were  objectionable  in  the 
theory  of  government,  felt  and  feared  in  the  prac 
tice  of  it.  There  is  a  strong  disposition  to  make  the 
administration  exclusive,  and  if  there  was  not  more 
resistance  in  the  character  of  the  president  than 
there  is  in  the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  such 
would  be  most  decidedly  the  case.  A  fair  compe 
tition  among  honourable  men  gives  alarm.  There 
are  those  who  wish  to  increase  the  value  of  their 
chances,  by  diminishing  the  number  of  rivals,  and 
to  hold  nearly  one  half  the  community  in  a  state 
of  alienage,  so  that  they  may  be  no  more  trusted 
than  the  partizans  of  the  pretender.  Even  this 
would  be  less  intolerable,  if  they  were  willing  to 
take  the  credit  of  their  design,  but  while  they  are 
themselves  the  origin  and  cause  of  opposition,  by 
a  superciliousness,  which  belongs  to  the  better 
sort,  they  contrive  to  represent  the  true  friends  of 

VOL.    II.  14 


106  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  people  as  promoters  of  strife  and  division.  All 
this  is  painful  to  us  as  citizens  of  a  country,  which 
has  suffered  so  much  for  freedom,  and  exceedingly 
unpleasant  to  those  who  are  called  into  its  coun 
cils.  The  judiciary  bill  will  surprise  you.  It  now 
stands  so  that  we  are  to  have  a  court  with  original 
jurisdiction  in  cases  affecting  life,  liberty  and  pro 
perty,  without  an  appeal,  and  composed  of  judges 
not  removable  except  by  conviction  on  impeach 
ment.  But  you  will  consider  me  as  a  great  anti- 
federalist,  and  to  preserve  your  good  opinion  1  will 
not  enter  into  a  further  explanation  of  matters  de 
pending.  They  may  be  changed  in  their  progress, 
and  I  suppose  come  out  perfectly  federal,  which  I 
know  you  will  think  perfection  itself." 

Mr.  Gerry  undervalued  his  influence  in  this  first 
congress  of  the  United  States.  True  indeed,  the 
spirit  of  party  had  its  residence  thero,  and  the 
general  character  of  a  statesman  wras  not  a  suffi 
cient  badge  of  honour,  without  wearing  the  colours 
under  which  he  was  enrolled.  It  was  true  also 
that  the  rank,  in  which  Mr.  Gerry  was  usually 
found,  wTas  not  the  party  of  the  strongest,  and  that 
the  general  supervision  and  direction  of  affairs,  to 
which  he  had  been  for  many  years  accustomed, 
had  passed  to  other  hands  ;  but  on  subjects  of  diffi 
culty  and  importance,  it  was  impossible  that  he 
should  not  be  listened  to  with  attention  and  re 
spect.  In  the  discussions,  which  agitated  that  as 
sembly,  in  all  matters  connected  with  finance,  on 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  107 

the  proposed  discrimination  between  the  public  cre 
ditors,  on  funding  the  indents  of  the  state  treasu 
ries,  and  the  assumption  of  the  state  debts,  he  ex 
pressed  very  largely  his  opinions,  and  was  most 
generally  in  the  majority  of  the  house. 

In  the  protracted  debate  upon  the  first  report 
of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  Mr.  Gerry  enter 
ed  very  fully  in  defence  of  some  of  its  proposi 
tions,  which  might  have  afforded  a  popular  theme 
for  opposition,  if  there  had  been  a  settled  design 
to  embarrass  the  operations  of  the  government. 

After  defending  the  power  of  congress  to  as 
sume  and  pay  the  state  debts,  he  enquires,  Who 
are  the  holders  of  state  certificates  ?  Some  of  the 
state  creditors,  he  replies,  were  officers  and  sol 
diers  of  the  late  army.  The  first  army  of  the 
United  States  was  raised,  armed  and  clothed  by 
the  states.  The  officers  and  soldiers  have  as 
strong  a  claim  on  the  justice  of  the  country,  as 
those  who  were  enlisted  at  the  close  of  the  war; 
a  greater  indeed,  as  they  came  forward  in  those 
dark  moments,  when  to  the  dangers  of  ordinary 
warfare,  were  superadded  the  penalties  of  rebel 
lion.  Those  men  acknowledge  no  difference  in 
their  rights  because  they  were  enlisted  by  state 
instead  of  continental  authority ;  for  they  were 
adopted  by  congress,  formed  into  one  army,  fought 
the  same  battles,  and  shared  the  same  hardships. 

Another  part  of  the  state  creditors,  are  men, 
who  furnished  supplies  for  the  union,  during  the 


108  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

late  war.  Can  any  one,  who  recollects  the  cir 
cumstance,  imagine  a  difference  between  them 
and  continental  creditors,  except  that  they  came 
forward  in  our  extremes!  need,  when  the  more 
distant  authority  of  congress  was  inadequate  to 
the  occasion.  Part  of  the  state  debts  were  conti 
nental  debts  assumed  by  the  state  on  the  earnest 
recommendation  of  congress ;  other  parts  were 
occasioned  by  the  states  having  undertaken  expe 
ditions  against  the  common  enemy  for  the  general 
good,  or  having  paid  to  their  citizens  interest  on 
the  continental  debt. 

It  is  said  the  proposed  assumption  will  raise  the 
importance   of  the  union   and  depress  the  states. 
If  I   thought   so  I  should  oppose  it,   because   the 
constitutional  balance  between  the   states  and  the 
union,  ought  to  be  preserved.     I  view  the   consti 
tutions  of  the  united  and  individual  states,  as  form 
ing  a  great  political  machine,  in  which   the   small 
wheels   are  as   essential  as  the  large  ones,  and  if 
either  are  deranged,  the  movement  will  be  imper 
fect  ;  but  I  humbly  conceive  a  contrary  policy  will 
have    the     effect    predicted.       Suppose    congress 
refuse    to    assume     the    state  debts ;     they    will 
make,  as   they  are   able,   provision  for  their   own 
creditors,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  each   of  the  states 
can  make  a  similar  arrangement,  and  if  they  fail, 
the  discrimination  will  most  materially  impair  their 
respectability.     The  United   States  creditors  will 
naturally  magnify  the  honesty,  integrity  and  ability 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  109 

of  the  general  government,  and  hold  in  contempt 
and  derision,  the  injustice  or  poverty  of  the  local 
authorities.  A  clamour  might  be  raised  against  the 

o  O 

state  governments,  made  more  general  by  the  con 
trast  between  them  and  the  nation,  and  the  pecu 
niary  interests  of  a  large  class  of  citizens,  operat 
ing  to  their  injury,  may  have  a  prejudicial  effect 
on  their  permanency  or  their  strength. 

The  national  government  may  incline  to  oppress 
the  states,  and  I  ask  whether  they  would  not  be 
better  able  to  resist  this  attack  if  they  had  no 
creditors  to  provide  for.  The  common  maxim  is, 
out  of  debt,  out  of  danger,  but  the  opposite  ar 
gument  reverses  it,  and  in  my  opinion,  very  un 
soundly. 

A  discrimination  will  establish  two  contending 
parties.  They  who  look  to  the  union  for  their 
payments  will  be  desirous  of  extending  its  power 
of  taxation,  revenues,  resources  and  credit.  They 
who  look  for  their  payments  to  the  states,  will  be 
prone  to  diminish  the  continental  power,  for  the 
purpose  of  enlarging  the  funds  from  which  they 
are  to  derive  their  reward.  This  discord  will  de 
feat  the  operation  of  both. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  state  debts  may 
not  have  been  fairly  liquidated.  I  should  think 
from  personal  observation  there  was  no  ground  for 
this  fear.  The  creditors  of  Massachusetts  have  had 
their  accounts  adjusted  quite  as  strictly  as  those 


110  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

of  the    federal   government.     Other    states    have 
acted  in  the  same  manner. 

It  is  said  we  are  unacquainted  with  the  ability 
of  the  union,  and  therefore  it  is  improper  to  pledge 
the  public  faith  for  the  payment  of  a  debt,  which 
may  possibly  exceed  its  means.  I  do  not  now, 
and  never  did,  despair  of  the  ability  of  the  United 
States  to  pay  their  debts.  Our  finances  are  in 
deed  deranged,  but  we  are  taking  measures  to  ex 
tricate  ourselves  from  the  evil  of  such  a  situation, 
and  should  not  be  deterred  from  ascertaining  the 
amount  we  owe,  from  present  inability  to  pay  it. 
By  the  secretary's  report,  we  can  now  pay  two 
thirds  the  interest.  With  increasing  resources  and 
a  gradual  diminution  of  the  interest,  we  may 
eventually  discharge  the  whole.  But  let  me  not 
be  misunderstood.  I  would  not  pledge  the  gov 
ernment  to  what  it  could  not  perform.  I  would 
not  subject  it  to  any  engagement,  which  it  might 
not  be  able  to  make  good.  But  the  acknowledg 
ment  of  our  obligation  is  one  thing,  the  mode  of 
discharging  it,  another.  The  best  interest  of  the 
creditors  as  well  as  the  nation,  is  to  make  such 
arrangement  as  by  securing  the  actual  perform 
ance  of  what  is  just,  will  so  modify  the  means  as 
not  to  make  it  inconveniently  onerous.  The  se 
cretary's  report  goes  on  the  ground  of  admitting 
the  force  of  all  the  public  contracts.  He  allows 
no  preference  as  to  continental  creditors,  among 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  Ill 

whom,  if  their  claims  could  be  examined,  would 
be  found  weightier  causes  of  difference  than  exist 
between  the  classes,  whose  rights  are  severally 
referable  to  the  states  or  the  nation.  There  is 
the  same  principle  to  prevent  discrimination  in 
either  case.  Indeed  by  the  constitution,  the  effi 
cient  means  of  revenue  are  conveyed  to  the  feder 
al  government.  The  states  are  almost  wholly 
without  them,  and  it  <  armot  be*  reasonable  that 
they  should  give  up  the  resources  lor  paying 
the  interest  on  their  debts,  unless  those  debts  are 
assumed  by  the  nation.  If  indeed  sir,  with  limit 
ed  resources  and  a  heavy  debt,  the  states  arc  to 
commence  the  operations  of  the  new  confederacy, 
the  smaller  will  soon  he  crushed  ;  the  larger  will 
be  scarce  able  to  get  along.  Their  independence 
is  but  nominal ;  their  sovereignty  must  exist  but 
in  name,  and  a  consolidated  government  take  the 
place  of  the  system,  which  such  a  measure  would 
destroy. 

With  the  second  congress  of  the  United  States, 
Mr.  (Jerry  terminated  his  services  in  the  legisla 
ture.  He  had  declined  reiterated  and  importunate 
solicitations  to  be  a  candidate  for  reelection,  and 

retired   to     his    farm    and    family    at    Cambridge. 

j 

Many  reasons  produced  a  disinclination  to  be 
longer  concerned  in  political  afiairs.  The  riti/ens 
of  the  Tinted  States  were  fast  forming  themselves 
into  fierce  and  irreconcilable  parties,  and  it  was  the 
policy  of  the  dominant  power,  to  identify  the  op- 


1  1 2  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

position  with  hostility  to  the  constitution  itself. 
That  hostility  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Gerry  had  pass 
ed  away,  and  not  only  in  conformity  with  his  early 
declaration,  that  he  would  submit  to  the  will  of 
the  majority,  but  because  the  recent  amendments 
had  essentially  changed  its  character,  he  was  dis 
posed  to  give  it  a  fair  trial  and  an  honest  support. 

There  wTas,  however,  in  the  early  measures  of 
congress,  much  to  excite  the  apprehension  of  so 
jealous  a  republican,  always  alive  to  the  dangers 
of  political  power,  and  habitually  regardful  of  pub 
lic  liberty  ;  and  without  participating  in  that  spirit 
of  party,  which  rallied  its  members  on  all  occa 
sions,  under  their  several  banners,  he  was  too  fre 
quently  found  opposing  the  measures  of  the  ma 
jority,  to  be  classed  among  their  friends.  On  the 
other  hand,  when  the  movements  of  the  adminis 
tration  met  the  approbation  of  his  judgment,  he 
was  not  deterred  from  lending  them  his  support, 
although  the  occasion  might  be  one,  which  the  op 
position  had  selected  as  favourable  for  a  combined 
attack.  The  integrity  and  independence,  or  if 
any  one  so  chooses  to  call  it,  the  singularity  of 
mind,  which  would  not  submit  to  be  bound  by  the 
shackles  of  party,  would  not  give  to  either  side  a 
security  for  his  vote,  and  would  obviously  in  the 
end  deprive  him  of  the  favour  of  both. 

But  his  most  intimate  personal  friends  were 
chiefly  among  those,  whose  attachments  combined 
them  with  the  government.  Against  these  he 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  113 

could  not  very  frequently  take  a  stand  without 
dissatisfaction  to  them,  nor  be  on  their  side  with 
out  violence  to  himself.  Nor  was  the  state  of 
affairs  in  congress  calculated  to  gratify  his  ambi 
tion  or  reward  the  long  labours  of  experience.  He 
who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  leaders  and  direc 
tors  of  the  administration,  when  the  whole  au 
thority  of  government  was  confided  to  the  dele 
gates  of  the  states,  could  find  little  pleasure  in  being 
one  of  the  lower  branch  of  a  deliberative  assem 
bly,  where  the  charge  of  arranging  and  directing 
the  great  movements  of  the  political  machinery, 
was  in  other  hands.  A  new  generation  of  states 
men  had  arisen  since  the  declaration  of  indepen 
dence,  whose  active  spirit,  under  the  peculiar 
condition  of  things,  elevated  them  over  those  earli 
er  patriots,  by  whom  the  resistance  of  the  colo 
nies  had  been  first  promoted. 

Motives  equally  strong  were  also  derived  from 
his  personal  concerns.  A  young  and  numerous 
family  claimed  that  attention,  which  their  mother's 
infirm  health  could  but  partially  bestow,  and  threw 
on  him  the  responsibility  of  forming  their  princi 
ples,  superintending  their  education,  and  preparing 
them  for  the  duties  of  society. 

As  a  father,  he  found  a  field  for  his  labours,  upon 
which  he  entered  with  all  the  zeal  and  more  than 
all  the  pleasure,  which  the  patriot  and  statesman 
had  experienced  in  different  pursuits.  Peculiarly 
kind  and  affectionate  in  his  disposition,  the  culture 

VOL.  n.  15 


114  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

of  the  infant  mind  had  an  irresistible  charm  for 
him,  while  his  benevolent  feelings  and  affable 
manners  endeared  him  to  the  young  objects  of  his 
regard. 

Perhaps  no  individual  of  any  profession  or  em 
ployment,  certainly  none  whose  temper  had  been 
so  often  tried  in  the  angry  tempests  of  political 
discussion,  was  more  thoroughly  mild,  placid  and 
placable.  If  experience  had  not  shown  how  in 
flexible  were  his  purposes,  and  how  perseveringly 
he  pursued  them  in  the  great  concerns  of  public 
duty,  if  the  firmness  with  which  he  maintained 
his  sentiments,  or  the  untiring  efforts,  by  which 
they  were  inculcated,  had  not  been  repeatedly 
displayed  in  critical  situations  of  political  life,  it 
might  have  been  supposed  that  the  softer  elements 
of  human  nature  were  too  intimately  mingled  in 
his  character,  to  enable  him  to  maintain  the  rank 
he  obtained  among  statesmen  ;  while  on  the  other 
hand  those,  who  were  acquainted  with  the  mild 
and  gentle  spirit,  which  displayed  itself  at  home, 
and  witnessed  the  conciliatory  temperament,  which 
rendered  him  the  favourite  and  friend  of  the  youth 
ful  circle,  might  well  have  been  surprised  at  the 
vigorous  efforts  and  the  immovable  firmness  of 
his  public  conduct.  This  delineation  of  his  pri 
vate  character,  is  very  different  from  the  picture 
presented  by  political  adversaries,  who  saw  him 
only  when  considerations  of  public  duty  imposed 
their  irresistible  weight  upon  his  mind.  In  the 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  115 

angry  collisions  of  a  later  period,  and  in  the  per 
sonal  resentments  growing  out  of  an  unfortunate 
state  of  affairs,  there  were  many,  who  believed 
what  the  press  seemed  desirous  of  establishing, 
that  the  leader  of  the  republican  party  had  the 
ascerbity  of  temper,  the  ferocity  and  vindictive- 
ness,  which  belonged  to  the  Brissots  and  Dan- 
tons,  to  whom  they  chose  to  resemble  him,  and 
that  the  government  of  Massachusetts  was  want 
ing  at  one  period  in  nothing  but  power  to  have 
resembled  itself  to  the  most  busy  period  of  the 
revolutionary  guillotine.  Such  is  the  distorting 
atmosphere  of  party,  and  the  credulity,  which  un 
der  its  excitement,  receives  the  most  monstrous 
fictions  for  truth. 

Mr.  Gerry  passed  the  succeeding  four  years  in 
the  superintendence  of  his  farm,  and  the  cultiva 
tion  of  those  young  plants  of  a  more  endearing  de 
scription,  which  providence  had  intrusted  to  his 
care.  Efforts  were  made  in  vain  to  draw  him  into 
various  situations  of  a  public  character.  The  citi 
zens  of  Middlesex,  elected  him  in  May  1793,  to 
the  senate  of  the  commonwealth,  but  he  declined 
the  honour  of  a  seat  in  that  body,  and  would  not 
permit  himself  to  be  named  as  a  candidate  either 
for  the  council  or  the  house  of  representatives,  as 
he  was  repeatedly  solicited  to  do  by  his  friends.* 

*  A  very  flattering  effort  was  made  to  draw  him  back  to  pub 
lic  life,  which  profitable  and  honourable  as  it  was,  he  had  the 
resolution  to  withstand.  The  commissioners  under  the  sixth 


116  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

Even  the  correspondence,  which  he  had  hitherto 
extensively  carried  on,  seems  during  this  interval 
to  have  been  in  some  degree  relinquished.  All 
the  energy  of  mind,  which  for  so  many  years  had 
been  devoted  to  his  country,  were  confined  to  the 
little  territory  under  his  control,  and  the  young 
republic  of  which  he  was  the  natural  head. 

Of  this  period  of  tranquillity  and  peace  he 
often  afterwards  spoke  with  unmingled  satisfac 
tion,  and  was  inclined  to  consider  it  as  the  hap 
piest  passage  of  a  long  life.  His  residence  was 
near  the  seat  of  the  university  at  Cambridge. 
Few  young  men  resorted  to  that  institution  with 
out  desiring  the  privilege  of  his  acquaintance. 
The  hospitality  of  his  mansion  and  the  urbani 
ty  of  his  manners,  domesticated  the  most  respec 
table  of  them  in  his  family  circle.  Strangers, 
whom  curiosity  or  interest  led  to  that  centre  of 
literary  attraction,  were  received  in  a  manner  suit 
ed  to  the  rank  he  had  held  in  the  public  councils, 

article  of  the  treaty  of  London,  consisting  of  two  Americans  and 
two  Englishmen,  assembled  in  Philadelphia  in  May  1797,  and  an 
attempt  was  to  be  made  to  choose  the  fifth,  which  would  com 
plete  the  board,  by  mutual  consent.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  were  very  desirous  he  should  be  an  American,  and 
deeming  it  probable  if  some  highly  respectable  and  well  known 
character  was  nominated,  the  British  would  accept  him,  they 
were  anxious  to  propose  Mr.  Gerry.  The  business  would  have 
conformed  in  some  degree  with  his  accustomed  habits  of  mind, 
and  in  other  respects  would  have  been  both  agreeable  and  lu 
crative,  but  he  declined  permitting  his  name  to  be  submitted  to 
the  board. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  117 

although  the  hospitality  of  a  generous  disposition, 
made  an  inconvenient  inroad  on  his  property. 

Like  most  of  those,  who  had  been  actively  con 
cerned  in  the  direction  of  the  revolution,  Mr. 
Gerry  had  retired  from  the  service  of  the  country 
with  no  other  emolument  than  the  honours  it  con 
ferred.  The  fluctuation  of  affairs,  which  had  re 
quired  a  constant  watchfulness  over  private  con 
cerns,  and  incessant  public  employment,  which  ob 
structed  it,  prevented  not  merely  the  increase,  but 
almost  the  preservation  of  those  means,  which  the 
early  patriots  had  carried  into  the  contest.  For 
tunes  had  been  reali/A'd  indeed  in  the  changes  of 

O 

the  times,  but  the  Deity  who  presided  over  the 
distribution  of  wealth,  seemed  to  consider  that 
the  statesmen  and  soldiers  of  the  country  had  re 
ward  enough  in  the  glory  they  acquired,  and  that 
opulence  was  to  be  conferred  as  a  compensation 
for  the  want  of  other  titles  of  respect. 

"  It  is  necessary  for  me,"  said  Mr.  Gerry  in  a 
letter  of  this  date,  "  to  become  a  farmer,  and  to 
endeavour  to  preserve  those  resources,  which  po 
litical  engagements  have  allowed  me  little  oppor 
tunity,  and  I  might  say,  less  inclination  to  im 
prove." 

During  these  four  years  of  domestic  seclusion, 
those  dissensions,  the  germ  of  which  was  starting 
when  Mr.  Gerry  retired  from  congress,  had  struck 
their  roots  deep  and  firm,  and  extended  over  the 
eiitire  continent.  It  was  impossible  that  he  could 


118  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

either  have  been  careless  of  the  progress  of 
events,  or  indifferent  to  their  consequences.  His 
temporary  removal  from  the  sphere  of  operations, 
made  him,  unquestionably,  a  calmer  observer, 
and  probably  a  less  heated  partizan,  than  those 
who  were  more  actively  engaged  in  the  labours  of 
the  field,  so  that  on  his  return  to  public  life 
he  was  unwilling  to  sacrifice  private  friendship 
and  the  habits  and  attachments  of  former  years 
to  the  stern  Moloch  of  the  day ;  yet  his  prin 
ciples  always  assimilated,  and  his  conduct  soon 
identified  him  with  the  great  democratic  party  of 
the  United  States. 

This  party,  which  for  nearly  the  whole  dura 
tion  of  the  existing  government,  embraced  a  vast 
majority  of  the  American  people,  has  in  some 
parts  of  the  country,  and  particularly  in  the  native 
state  of  Mr.  Gerry,  been  for  nearly  an  equal 
period  wholly  deprived  of  political  power.  While 
its  members  in  some  sections  have  enjoyed  all  the 
honours  of  the  people,  they  have  in  others  been 
treated  almost  as  outlaws,  with  the  humiliation, 
which  attaches  to  an  inferior  and  degraded  caste. 

The  political  class  to  whom  the  subject  of  this 
memoir  most  intimately  belonged,  have  found 
among  their  other  misfortunes,  that  their  motives 
were  misunderstood,  their  principles  misstated, 
and  their  conduct  defamed.  The  leading  histo 
rian  of  the  country,  whose  own  great  talents  suit 
ed  so  well  the  subject  most  interesting  to  Ameri- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  119 

cans,  which  he  selected  for  his  theme,  has  by  a 
series  of  sarcastic  and  derogating  animadversions, 
contributed  to  propagate  the  favourite  opinion  of 
their  adversaries,  tiiat  this  disturbing  power  in  the 
state  was  a  fermenting  mass  of  faction,  ignorance 
and  disappointment.  The  lion,  says  the  fable, 
was  not  the  sculptor  of  the  piece. 

Before  the  formation  of  the  constitution,  the 
distresses,  which  had  been  occasioned  by  the  ope 
rations  of  the  war,  had  amassed  themselves  in  a 
degree,  which  in  many  places  deranged  the  whole 
economy  of  life.  Debts  had  accumulated,  specie 
vanished,  and  the  enforcement  of  creditor  rights 
often  dissolved  the  only  sources  from  which  re 
muneration  could  proceed.  Time  was  necessary 
for  the  reaction  of  public  energies.  There  were 
found,  as  a  consequence  of  this  state  of  things,  two 
classes  of  men,  one  of  whom  insisted  on  the  strict 
execution  of  the  letter  of  the  bond,  the  other 
were  willing  to  delay  lor  a  convenient  period, 
the  exertion  of  judicial  power,  upon  the  principle, 
that  as  the  war  had  in  many  cases  wholly  destroy 
ed  the  claims  of  the  creditor,  by  annihilating  his 
debtor's  property,  and  sometimes  his  life,  so  in  all 
it  had  produced  a  good  reason  for  lenity  and  delay. 
To  this  incident  it  has  pleased  the  biographer 
before  alluded  to,  to  trace  the  commencement  of 
political  parties,  and  omitting  even  the  plausible 
reasons,  by  which  the  one  defended  its  opinions, 
to  trace  the  origin  of  the  democracy  of  the  coun- 


120  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

try  through  a  systematic  hostility  to  the  constitu 
tion,  up  to  a  nefarious  disregard  of  personal  obli 
gations,  and  A  contemptuous  indifference  to  the 
validity  of  private  contracts,  the  demands  of  jus 
tice,  and  the  security  of  law  ;  and  as  in  this 
division  of  the  community,  the  affluent  would 
naturally  be  on  one  side,  andmen  of  more  mo 
derate  circumstances  on  the  other,  so  the  for 
mer  are,  by  necessary  inference,  identified  with 
the  honour,  the  virtue,  and  the  character,  which 
are  attached  to  a  good  government,  and  the  latter 
with  those  demoralizing  habits,  which  spring  up 
among  men,  whom  revolution  could  not  impo 
verish,  nor  rebellion  destroy. 

Neither  hostility  to  the  constitution,  nor  oppo 
sition  to  the  government  can  fairly  be  traced  to 
this  source.  On  these  latter  points  men  were  di 
vided  who  acted  together  on  the  first.  The  con 
dition  of  things  before  the  convention  at  Philadel 
phia,  was  not  one,  which  can  identify  the  opposi 
tion  to  their  projected  system  with  any  preconcert 
ed  design  of  subverting  it  ;  and  dissatisfaction 
with  the  constitution,  as  it  came  from  the  hands 
of  its  framers,  is  improperly  charged  to  be  a 
motive  for  subsequent  opposition  to  the  govern 
ment.  No  individual  did  more  to  secure  the  suc 
cess  of  the  administration  than  the  first  secretary 
of  state,  who  is  well  known  to  have  been  dis 
pleased  with  the  original  principles  of  the  con 
stitution.  No  one  did  more  to  establish  the  great 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  121 

democratic  party  of  the  United  States  than  he  who 
was  the  projector  and  defender  of  the  constitution 
in  the  convention,  and  its  leading  advocate  before 
the  people.  The  instances  alluded  to  are  not  cases 
of  individual  exception  ;  they  are  examples  fol 
lowed  by  vast  multitudes,  and  refute  the  imputa 
tion  that  the  administration  commenced  under  the 
auspices  of  wealth  and  integrity,  and  was  beaten 
down  by  poverty  and  fraud. 

If  the  origin  of  the  great  democratic  party  is  to 
be  traced  to  a  period  antecedent  to  that  in  which 
it  was  formed,  it  may  be  sought  in  those  highly 
enlightened  and  honourable  sentiments,  in  which 
the  revolution  was  commenced  and  accomplished. 
The  chivalrous  leaders  of  those  perilous  times 
persuaded  themselves  that  the  happiness  of  the 
people  was  the  only  legitimate  object  of  govern 
ment  ;  that  the  means  of  the  people  were  not  to 
be  exacted  without  their  consent,  nor  was  their 
consent  to  be  expected  for  an  useless  or  wasteful 
expenditure.  The  British  government,  by  viola 
ting  these  principles,  raised  that  storm,  which 
swept  away  their  authority  ;  the  new  government 
was  objectionable  as  it  failed  to  secure  them,  and 
the  administration  reprehensible  by  its  similar 
tendencies. 

For  the  correctness  of  the  facts,  or  the  accu 
racy  of  the  deductions,  which  combined  this  party 
together  it  is  not  necessary  to  contend,  but  it  is 

VOL.   u.  16 


122  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

proper  to  demand  for  them  higher  motives  than 
sordid  cupidity  or  profligate  injustice. 

The  class  of  men  who,  anterior  to  the  com 
mencement  of  hostilities,  had  so  freely  discussed 
the  tendencies  of  political  power  towards  des 
potic  exertion,  and  who  had,  with  pertinacity  and 
courage,  contended  for  the  rights  of  the  people  in 
all  controversies  between  the  colonies  and  the  em 
pire,  may  have  extended  their  analogies  too  far  in 
applying  them  to  a  government  elected  by  the 
citizens  over  which  it  was  placed.  Be  it  so.  It 
is  a  question  of  fact,  which  posterity  may  settle 
against  them,  and  still  leave  their  honour  unques 
tioned  and  their  integrity  unimpeached. 

The  intimation  that  poverty  and  faction  first 
opposed  the  constitution,  and  then  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  government  erected  under  it,  was 
made  to  receive  countenance  by  the  fact,  that  the 
wealth,  which  the  government  created,  readily  en 
listed  on  its  side. 

The  new  constitution  went  into  operation,  when 
the  debt  of  the  revolution  had  depreciated  to  an 
eighth  of  its  nominal  value.  This  had  passed,  in 
a  great  degree,  from  meritorious  creditors,  who 
had  expended  their  property  or  their  blood  to 
acquire  it,  into  the  hands  of  speculation  and 
traffic.  In  many  instances  the  funds,  concealed 
when  patriotism  required  them  to  be  expended, 
were  lavished  in  the  acquisition  of  those  certifi 
cates,  which  the  country  had  issued  in  evidence. 
as  well  of  its  justice  as  its  poverty. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  123 

A  vast  proportion  of  the  whole  debt  of  the 
nation  had  changed  hands.  The  duty  of  pro 
viding  for  its  payment  was  universally  admitted. 
The  right  of  diserimination  between  the  original 
owners  and  their  assignees,  though  long  and  ably 
maintained,  \vas  of  doubtful  character,  and  the 
faith  of  the  nation,  which  finally  redeemed  all 
its  promises  with  interest,  raised  into  existence  an 
army  of  pensioners,  who  wrere  ready,  with  the  com 
mon  feelings  of  household  troops,  to  prove  their 
devotion  by  the  excesses  of  their  zeal. 

The  accumulation  of  fortune,  thus  suddenly 
produced,  aided  the  administration,  not  only  by  its 
actual  strength,  but  by  that  appearance  of  respect 
ability,  which  opulence  never  fails  to  confer. 

Causes  intrinsic  and  immovable,  for  the  for 
mation  of  the  great  parties  of  the  country,  may 
also  be  traced,  without  disparagement  to  either, 
in  an  original  difference  of  opinion  concerning  the 
arrangement  of  political  power.  The  opposite; 
and  counteracting  forces  of  the  states  and  the 
nation,  it  was  admitted  on  all  hands,  were  neces 
sary  to  preserve  the  relative  proportions  of  the 
whole  and  the  parts,  as  the  centripetal  and  cen 
trifugal  forces  maintain  the  balance  of  the  solar 
system.  But  the  principle  was  more  easily  admit 
ted  than  applied.  What  the  proportion  should  be 
was  not  ascertained.  A  desire  improperly  to  in 
crease  or  weaken  these  forces,  was  ascribed  by  each 
party,  with  sincerity  no  doubt,  to  its  opponent,  a* 
premeditated  w 


124  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

The  plan  of  col.  Hamilton,  for  the  distribution 
and  continuance  of  the  powers  of  government,  had 
more  real  than  ostensible  friends.  They,  who  con 
sidered  it  as  the  beau  ideal  of  a  good  constitution, 
would  endeavour  to  render  the  actual  condition  of 
the  existing  one  as  conformable  to  its  principles 
as  its  established  forms  would  allow  ;  while  others, 
who  saw  the  prerogatives  of  authority  advanced 
further  than,  in  their  opinion,  the  safety  of  public 
liberty  permitted,  would  on  all  questions  calculated 
to  increase  them  take  the  side  of  opposition. 

In  every  written  law  involving  extensive  con 
cerns  and  matters  of  detail,  much  is  unavoidably 
to  be  settled  by  construction.  To  ascertain  which 
of  two  meanings  is  the  intention  of  the  enacting 
power,  forms  no  small  part  of  the  common  business 
of  the  judiciary  department ;  and  the  most  curious 
facility  of  language  has  never  yet  presented  a  series 
of  propositions,  whose  exact  meaning  was  univer 
sally  admitted.  There  is  certainly  no  exception 
to  the  common  ambiguity  of  language  in  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  Hence  a  cause  of 
great  difference  of  opinion.  By  one  class  of  states 
men  it  was  considered  wise  to  expand  its  powers  by 
construction,  and  in  all  those  cases,  which  admitted 
of  two  modes  of  interpretation,  to  adopt  that,  which 
should  strengthen  the  principles  of  power.  The 
opposite  course  reconciled  itself  more  easily  with 
the  views  of  another  class.  The  motives,  which 
led  to  results  thus  deduced  were  impeached 


LIFE  OF   ELBRJDGE   GERRY.  125 

instead  of  being  traced,  as  they  ought  to  have  been, 
to  that  formation  of  mind,  education  and  character, 
which  might  vindicate  their  integrity.  Hence  the 
favourers  of  a  strong  government,  who  chose  to 
consider  themselves  federalists,  were  designated 
as  aristocrats  and  supporters  of  oligarchy  ;  the 
friends  of  a  more  popular  system,  who  claimed  the 
appellation  of  republicans,  were  represented  as  de 
mocrats,  demagogues,  and  hypocritical  courtiers  of 
the  people. 

The  connexion  between  the  dignity  of  office 
and  the  intelligence,  which  deserved  it,  was  inge 
niously  claimed  by  the  dominant  party,  and  not 
only  the  daily  press,  but  works  of  more  permanent 
authority,  have  countenanced  this  suggestion,  and 
a  sneer  of  contempt  at  the  absurdity  of  argument 
or  the  frivolity  of  fear,  which  disturbed  the  party 
in  opposition,  is  but  ill  disguised  by  the  affected 
impartiality  of  history. 

In  a  bill  proposed  at  the  first  congress,  organiz 
ing  a  department  of  the  treasury,  a  clause  was 
inserted,  making  it  the  duty  of  the  secretary  to 
digest  and  report  plans  for  the  improvement  and 
management  of  the  revenue,  and  the  support  of 
public  credit.  It  was  opposed  under  an  appre 
hension  of  the  extension  it  would  give  to  ministe 
rial  influence,  its  imitation  of  the  British  parlia 
ment,  and  as  a  precedent,  which  would  be  extend 
ed  to  countenance  the  personal  introduction  of 
these  ministers  on  the  floor  of  the  house.  Upon 


126  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  discussion  of  the  bill,  says  the  biographer  of 
Washington,  Mr.  Gerry  remarked,  that  "  he  had 
no  objection  to  obtaining  information,  but  he  could 
not  help  observing  the  great  degree  of  importance 
gentlemen  were  giving  to  this  and  the  other  ex 
ecutive  officers.  If  the  doctrine  of  having  prime 
and  great  ministers  of  state  were  once  well  estab 
lished,  he  did  not  doubt  he  should  soon  see  them 
distinguished  by  green  or  red  ribbon  insignia  of 
court  favour  and  patronage." 

It  might  be  well  twenty  years  after  the  danger 
had  passed,  to  ridicule  the  means  by  which  it  was 
defeated,  by  way  of  proof  that  there  never  was  any 
cause  of  alarm.  But  if  members  of  the  cabinet 
had  been  admitted  on  the  floor  of  congress  to 
explain,  and  of  course  enforce  their  schemes  of 
finance  and  policy  ;  if  the  secretary  of  the  treasu 
ry  might  personally  have  opened  his  budget,  and 
the  secretary  of  state  his  schemes  of  foreign  or 
domestic  relations,  the  executive  power  would 
have  acquired  an  increased  momentum,  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  representative  rights  of  the  people. 
The  effort  shows  the  views  of  the  different  mem 
bers  of  congress,  not  merely  on  the  details  of  this 
particular  subject,  but  on  principles  so  funda 
mental  as  naturally  to  separate  them  like  the  dif 
ferent  elements  of  the  material  world. 

In  the  importance  and  novelty  of  the  measures 
brought  into  discussion,  both  in  the  halls  of  con 
gress  and  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  difflcul- 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  127 

ties  enough  presented  themselves  to  vindicate  the 
judgment  of  any  one  from  reproach,  on  whichever 
side  lie  was  found.  Ignorance  only  would  be  self- 
confident  or  rash.  It  is  not  unlikely  indeed,  that 
a  desire  of  participating  in  the  enjoyment  of  pow 
er  influenced  the  champions  of  the  day,  and  that 
the  spoils  of  victory  might  have  been  among  the 
inducements  to  the  contest ;  but  what  candour  is 
there  in  ascribing  more  honourable  motives  to 
those  who  fought  to  preserve  their  authority,  than 
to  their  competitors,  who  were  striving  to  obtain 
it  ?  On  both  sides  were  men  of  high  principles, 
ardent  patriotism,  great  experience  and  rare  in 
tellectual  capacity.  At  the  head  of  the  govern 
ment  was  a  tower  of  strength,  which  they  of  the 
adverse  faction  wanted.  The  federalists  claimed 
him  as  their  leader.  But  Washington  was  above 
the  atmosphere  of  party.  He  belonged  to  his 
country,  to  the  cause  of  civil  liberty,  to  posterity, 
mankind.  He  alone  by  the  force  of  that  sound 
judgment,  which  on  so  many  occasions  had  con 
tributed  to  the  safety  of  the  state,  could  maintain 
a  dignified  neutrality  in  the  midst  of  the  wasting 
warfare  that  was  raging  around  him.  It  in  the 
asperity  of  remark  on  the  administration,  an  arrow 
of  obloquy  was  aimed  at  the  chief  magistrate,  it 
rung  harmlessly  on  the  shield  of  public  opinion. 
Whatever  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  satisfied 
the  opposing  party,  was  with  affectionate  regard 
ascribed  to  his  personal  virtues  ;  other  measure* 


128  LIFE  OP  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

were  traced  to  the  influence  of  the  counsellors  who 
surrounded  him. 

In  the  first  arrangement  of  his  cabinet,  the  ge 
nerous  confidence  of  the  president  had  collected  a 
fair  representation  of  the  different  opinions,  which 
agitated  the  country.  Circumstances  in  which  he 
had  no  agency,  produced  a  resignation  of  some 
members,  and  its  composition  essentially  changed. 

The  weight  and  influence  of  the  government 
became  essentially  federal,  and  this  advantage  of 
position  they,  who  possessed  it,  were  naturally 
desirous  to  preserve. 

While  in  the  domestic  concerns  of  the  country 
so  many  disturbing  forces  intervened  to  prevent 
the  regular  gravitation  of  the  system,  the  French 
revolution  burst  on  the  astonished  world,  like  a 
comet,  that  from  its  horrid  hair  shook  pestilence 
and  war. 

For  a  people  who  were  endeavouring  to  throw 
off  the  yoke  of  oppression,  there  was  naturally  ex 
cited,  in  those  who  had  successfully  performed 
the  hazardous  experiment,  a  strong  and  operative 
sympathy.  Gratitude  for  the  services  of  that  na 
tion,  was  a  motive  of  unmeasured  force.  The 
early  friends  of  the  American  republic  were  in 
hostility  with  its  ancient  and  still  suspected  ene 
my.  They  presented  a  spectacle,  in  which  free 
dom  and  the  popular  will  were  arrayed  against 
the  authority  of  long  established  power.  When 
the  American  administration,  with  an  intelligence 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  129 

and  caution  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  a  grow 
ing  but  unsettled  empire,  took  the  position  of 
neutrality  and  repressed  the  exuberance  of  feel 
ings  honourable  indeed  but  unsafe  and  unwise,  it 
produced  a  sullenness  of  temper  and  a  sentiment  of 
distrust,  as  if  they  too  were  joining  in  a  conspiracy 
of  kings,  and  avowing  the  common  affinity  by 
which  government,  no  matter  what  is  its  form, 
places  itself  by  the  side  of  government  in  any  con 
test  for  popular  rights. 

But  neutrality  was  too  obviously  suited  to  the 
interests  of  the  United  States  to  be  demolished  by 
the  escalade  of  opposition  ;  and  that  generous  en 
thusiasm,  which  at  its  first  excitement  would  have 
rushed  into  battle,  was  succeeded  by  more  sober 
judgment  and  calmer  feelings,  the  best  advocates 
of  peace. 

The  executive  opened  a  negotiation  with  the 
British  government,  and  the  treaty,  which  re 
sulted  from  it,  unchained  the  fierce  spirit  of  hos 
tility  and  separated  the  community  into  irrecon 
cilable  factions.  Passion  and  those  personal  and 
private  motives,  by  which  the  elements  of  party 
are  blown  into  a  blaze,  operated  with  all  their 
force,  and  they,  who  had  other  motives  for  re 
sentment,  saw  in  this  measure  that  fatal  error, 
which  properly  managed  would  unsettle  the  pow 
er  of  their  rivals.  The  treaty  itself  and  the  man 
ner  of  its  being  negotiated,  presented  points  of 
extreme  difliculty,  justifying  almost  any  view  of  it, 

VOL.  11.  17 


130  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

which  the  statesmen  of  the  day  found  themselves 
disposed  to  take. 

It  is  not  to  the  present  purpose  to  detail  the  ar 
guments,  which  with  a  power  of  intellect  as  hon 
ourable  to  the  intelligence,  as  indicative  of  the 
strong  feelings  of  the  American  people,  were  urged 
on  the  question  of  ratifying  the  treaty  negotiated 
by  Mr.  Jay.  It  is  necessary  only  to  allude  to  the 
motives  of  the  party,  by  whom  its  rejection  was 
enforced.  In  vindication  of  their  judgment,  may 
be  cited  the  authority  of  its  friends. 

"  The  enlightened  negotiator,"  says  Mr.  Hamil 
ton,  "not  unconscious  that  some  parts  of  the  treaty 
were  less  well  arranged  than  was  to  be  desired, 
had  himself  hesitated  to  sign  it.  When  the  treaty 
arrived,  it  was  not  without  full  deliberation  and 
some  hesitation  that  I  resolved  to  support  it."  In 
the  senate  its  ratification  was  recommended  by  a 
mere  constitutional  majority.  In  the  house  of 
representatives,  on  a  question  introduced  to  test 
the  opinion  of  that  body,  there  was  a  vote  of  thirty- 
seven  in  its  favour  to  sixty-two  against  it. 

The  president  doubted  what  to  do,  and  balanc 
ing  in  his  mind  the  objections  and  advantages, 
with  great  delay  and  anxious  reflection,  finally 
assented  to  a  conditional  acceptance. 

Of  the  commercial  advantages  of  the  treaty  of 
London,  many  undoubtedly  ventured  an  opinion 
who  were,  incompetent  to  decide.  But  its  political 
character  was  on  a  level  with  every  capacity.  It 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  131 

was  supposed  to  be  the  first  step,  and  a  very  con 
clusive  one,  in  taking  sides  between  the  two  great 
belligerents,  and  with  a  bold  spirit  of  opposition 
to  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  people,  to 
have  selected  the  wrong  one. 

In  the  character  and  objects  and  governments 
of  the  hostile  nations,  were  traced  a  resemblance 
to  the  character  and  sentiments  of  conflicting  par 
ties  in  the  United  States,  and  the  aristocratic  and 
monarchical  tendencies  of  the  constitution,  gradu 
ally  expanding  in  the  progress  of  administration, 
were  here  it  was  alleged  fully  blown  out  and  de 
veloped  ;  and  by  a  natural  association,  the  govern 
ment  that  was  but  in  name  republican,  would  be 
found  on  the  side  of  kings  in  a  crusade  against 
liberty  and  the  rights  of  man. 

These  ungenerous  imputations  on  the  one  side, 
were  met  with  corresponding  severity  on  the 
other. 

To  such  violence  were  the  angry  feelings  of  the 
community  excited,  that  when  the  brutality  and 
ignorance  of  the  French  democrats  were  stripping 
society  of  its  forms  of  decency  and  order,  subvert 
ing  the  institutions  of  religion,  and  confounding 
all  distinctions  of  education,  morality  and  wealth, 
the  same  appellation,  with  a  view  of  expressing 
a  similarity  of  temper,  was  ordinarily  bestowed 
on  the  opposition  party  to  the  federal  govern 
ment,  until  the  name  of  a  democrat  became  as 
odious  as  that  of  a  witch  or  a  tory  ;  and  when 


132  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  jacobins  of  Paris,  the  ferocious  murderers  of 
age  and  infancy  and  innocence,  were  dripping  with 
human  blood,  and  celebrating  their  infernal  orgies 
round  the  guillotine,  like  cannibals  at  a  feast, 
their  name  was  in  the  common  language  of  the 
day  affixed  to  a  numerical  half  of  the  American 
people,  with  a  design  to  have  them  considered  as 
instigated  by  like  horrible  perversity.  Less  causes 
than  these,  have  in  other  ages  raised  the  standard 
of  civil  war,  and  less  moderation  and  patience  than 
marked  the  insulted  party  of  the  opposition,  might 
have  repeated  in  the  fair  fields  of  our  country  the 
scenes  of  Hexam  or  Bosworth. 

The  progress  of  events  abroad,  and  the  arts  by 
which  each  of  the  two  American  parties  were  iden 
tified  with  a  foreign  policy,  had  a  tendency  to 
strengthen  the  administration  and  weaken  its  as 
sailants.  The  French  revolution  was  not  found 
to  be  that  desirable  and  rational  march  of  liberty, 
which  had  at  first  claimed  the  sympathies  of  the 
actors  in  our  own.  The  anarchy,  which  it  encour 
aged,  the  subversion  of  law,  order  and  government 
which  it  threatened,  and  often  times  accomplished, 
the  vast  force,  which  it  concentrated,  and  the  little 
justice  or  humanity,  which  directed  it,  alienated 
the  affections,  which  it  took  no  care  to  conciliate, 
and  its  frightful  excesses  made  the  several  adminis 
trators  of  its  power,  objects  of  fear,  horror  and  sur 
prise. 

During  the   storm,  which  was  thus   shaking  to 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  133 

its  centre  the  government  and  very  existence  of 
the  American  confederacy,  Mr.  Gerry  was  in  the 
retirement  of  his  farm  and  his  family,  watching 
its  progress  with  anxiety  and  solicitude,  but  not 
exposed  to  any  undue  share  of  its  evils.  The  ex 
citement  and  irritation,  which  personal  conflict 
necessarily  produces,  it  was  thus  his  good  fortune 
to  escape,  and  with  more  calmness  and  delibera 
tion  to  observe  the  movements  of  contending  par 
ties.  On  most  questions  of  domestic  policy  he  was 
entirely  in  unison  with  his  former  associates. 

Of  the  foreign  politics  of  the  country  he  had 
in  some  respects  a  different  opinion.  The  dan 
gerous  operation  of  the  English  government,  on  the 
feelings,  manners  and  principles  of  the  country, 
he  realized  with  all  the  force,  which  had  been 
ascribed  to  them,  and  was  particularly  fearful 
of  increasing  a  connexion,  which  should  give  to 
its  influence  the  authority,  which  was  denied  to 
its  power.  The  resources  and  the  profligacy  of 
the  French  nation  were  in  his  mind  causes  of 
alarm,  that  should  suggest  a  course  of  prudence 
and  policy  calculated  to  preserve  the  neutral  and 
favourable  position  of  the  United  States.  The  ad 
miration,  which  their  early  efforts  had  excited,  had 
yielded  to  astonishment  at  their  singular  success, 
and  horror  at  the  want  of  principle  by  which  their 
power  was  directed.  Partiality  for  French  politics, 
or  a  sympathy  for  French  principles,  then  so  com 
monly  charged  on  his  party,  whether  true  or  false 


134  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

with  regard  to  them  collectively,  was  wholly  un 
founded  in  its  application  to  him. 

While  such  conflicting  interests  and  jarring  opi 
nions  agitated  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
they  were  called  upon  to  select  a  successor  to  the 
only  man,  whose  ascendency  over  the  public  mind 
could  control  the  licentiousness  of  faction,  by  com 
manding  universal  confidence  and  esteem.  Great 
and  radical  differences  on  the  essential  principles 
of  government  gave  to  this  contest  all  the  zeal, 
which  sincerity  and  judgment  could  bring  into 
the  field.  With  these  the  fiercest  passions  were 
enlisted,  and  ambition,  pride,  the  love  of  power 
and  desire  of  retaliation,  the  lordly  feelings,,  which 
delight  in  maintaining  an  ascendency,  and  the 
proud  spirit  that  revolts  at  it,  arrayed  themselves 
under  opposing  banners,  with  a  parade  little  short 
of  military  triumph. 

Mr.  Gerry,  without  being  previously  consulted 
by  his  fellow  citizens,  was  called  into  the  electoral 
college  of  Massachusetts,  and  gave  his  vote  for 
Mr.  Adams.  It  occasioned  the  following  corres 
pondence. 

MR.  GERRY   TO   MR.   JEFFERSON. 

CAMBRIDGE,  MARCH  27,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

Permit  me,  with  great  sincerity,  to  congratulate 
you  on  your  appointment  to  the  office  of  vice  pre- 


LIFE   OF    ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  135 

sidcnt  of  the  United  States.  It  was,  in  my  mind, 
a  very  desirable  object,  and  a  wish,  which  I  ardent 
ly  expressed  at  the  meeting  of  the  electors  ;  but 
as  we  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  Mr. 
Adams'  pretensions  to  the  chair  were  best,  it  was 
impossible  to  give  you  any  votes,  without  annulling 
an  equal  number  for  him  ;  otherwise  you  would  cer 
tainly  have  had  mine,  and  I  have  reason  to  think  se 
veral  others  for  vice  president.  The  constitution, 
as  it  respects  these  elections,  makes  a  lottery  of 
them,  and  is  I  think  imperfect.  There  was  proba 
bly  a  plan  laid,  by  coupling  Mr.  Pinckney  with  Mr. 
Adams,  to  secure  so  many  votes  in  this  list  for  the 
former,  as  with  those  for  him  in  other  lists,  would 
bring  him  into  the  chair  ;  but  this  was  fortunately 
seen  through  and  defeated  :  and  I  flatter  myself  that 
the  elections  will  eventually  have  a  happy  effect  on 
the  public  mind,  by  the  accommodating  disposition 
of  the  president  and  vice  president,  their  mutual 
friendship  for  each  other  and  the  pursuit  of  a  gene 
ral  system  of  moderation,  exploding  foreign  influ 
ence  of  every  kind,  in  every  department  of  govern 
ment.  Being  unconnected  with  parties,  whose 
extremes  I  confess  have  been  disagreeable  to  me, 
and  have  detached  me  from  politics,  I  am  a  re 
tired  spectator,  enjoying  nevertheless  the  uncon 
trolled  right  of  judging  for  myself,  and  of  express 
ing  independently  to  my  friends,  my  ideas  of  the 
measures  springing  from  public  and  of  the  artifices 
from  private  views.  Thus  circumstanced,  give  me 


136  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

leave  to  express  my  apprehensions,  that  the  con 
sequence  of  this  election  will  be  repeated  strata 
gems  to  weaken  or  destroy  the  confidence  of  the 
president  and  vice  president  in  each  other,  from 
an  assurance,  that  if  it  continues  to  the  end  of  the 
president's  administration,  the  vice  president  will 
be  his  successor  ;  and  perhaps  from  a  dread  of 
your  political  influence.  Indeed  I  think  such  an 
operation  has  already  commenced,  and  that  you 
will  discover  it ;  but  your  mutual  good  sense  will 
see  through  the  project  and  defeat  it.  Wishing 
you  to  possess  a  full  share  of  the  public  confidence, 
which  I  am  sure  you  always  merited,  and  with  it 
much  private  happiness, 
I  remain 

Your  sincere  friend, 

E.  GERRY. 


MR.    JEFFERSON    TO    MR.    GERRY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  MAY  13,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, 

Your  favour  of  the  27th  of  March  did  not  reachme 
till  April  21st,  when  I  was  within  a  few  days  of  set 
ting  out  for  this  place,  and  I  put  off  acknowledging  it 
till  I  should  come  here.  I  entirely  commend  your 
dispositions  towards  Mr.  Adams,  knowing  his  worth 
as  intimately,  and  esteeming  it  as  much  as  any  one, 
and  acknowledging  the  preference  of  his  claims,  if 


LIFE   OF   ELBIUDGE   GERRY.  137 

any  I  could  have  had,  to  the  high  office  conferred  on 
him.  But  in  truth  I  had  neither  claims  nor  wishes 
on  the  subject ;  though  I  know  it  will  be  difficult 
to  obtain  belief  of  this.  When  I  retired  from  this 
place  and  the  office  of  secretary  of  state,  it  was  in 
the  firmest  contemplation  of  never  more  returning 
here.  There  had  indeed  been  suggestions  in  the 
public  papers,  that  I  was  looking  towards  a  suc 
cession  to  the  president's  chair  ;  but  feeling  a  con 
sciousness  of  their  falsehood,  and  observing  that 
the  suggestions  came  from  hostile  quarters,  I  con 
sidered  them  as  intended  merely  to  excite  public 
odium  against  me.  I  never  in  my  life  exchanged 
a  word  with  any  person  on  the  subject,  till  I  found 
my  name  brought  forward  generally,  in  competi 
tion  with  that  of  Mr.  Adams.  Those  with  whom  I 
then  communicated  could  say,  if  it  were  necessary, 
whether  I  met  the  call  with  desire,  or  even  with 
a  ready  acquiescence  ;  and  whether,  from  the  mo 
ment  of  my  first  acquiescence,  1  did  not  devoutly 
pray  that  the  very  thing  might  happen  that  has 
happened.  The  second  office  of  this  government 
is  honourable  and  easy,  the  first  is  but  a  splendid 
misery.  You  express  apprehensions  that  strata 
gems  will  be  used  to  produce  a  misunderstand 
ing  between  the  president  and  myself.  Though 
not  a  word  having  this  tendency  has  ever  been 
hazarded  to  mo  by  any  one,  yet  I  consider  as  a 
certainty  that  nothing  will  be  left  untried  to 
alienate  him  from  me.  These  machinations  will 
VOL.  n  ls 


138  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

proceed  from  the  Hamiltonians  by  whom  he  is  sur 
rounded,  and  who  are  only  a  little  less  hostile  to 
him  than  to  me.     It  cannot  but  damp  the  pleasure 
of  cordiality  when  we  suspect  that  it  is  suspected. 
I  cannot  help  fearing  that  it  is  impossible  for  Mr. 
Adams  to  believe  that  the  state  of  my  mind  is 
what  it  really  is  ;  that  he  may  think  I  view  him 
as  an  obstacle  in  my  way.     I  have  no  supernatu 
ral  power  to  impress  truth  on  the  mind  of  another, 
nor  he  any  to  discover  that  the  estimate,  which  he 
may  form  on  a  just  view  of  the  human  mind  as 
generally  constituted,  may  not  be  just  in  its  appli 
cation    to    a    special    constitution.     This  may  be 
a  source  of  private  uneasiness  to  us  ;  I  honestly 
confess  that  it  is  so  to  me  at  this  time  ;  but  neither 
of  us  are  capable  of  letting  it  have  effect  on  our 
public  duties.     Those  who  may  endeavour   to  se 
parate  us,  are  probably  excited  by  the  fear  that  I 
might  have  influence   on  the  executive  councils. 
But  when  they  shall  know  that  I  consider  my  office 
as  constitutionally  confined  to  legislative  functions, 
and  that  I  could  not  take  any  part  whatever  in  ex 
ecutive  consultations,  even  were  it  proposed,  their 
fears  may  perhaps  subside,  and   their  object    be 
found  not  worth  a  machination.     I   do  sincerely 
wish  with  you,  that  we  could  take  our  stand  on  a 
ground  perfectly  neutral  and  independent  towards 
all    nations.      It    has    been    my    constant    object 
through  public  life  ;  and  with  respect  to  the  Eng- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GEKRY.  139 

lish  and  French  particularly,  I  have  too  often 
expressed  to  the  former  my  wishes  and  made  to 
them  propositions,  verbally  and  in  writing,  official 
ly  and  privately,  to  official  and  private  characters, 
for  them  to  doubt  of  my  views,  if  they  could  be 
content  with  equality.  Of  this  they  are  in  pos 
session  of  several  written  and  formal  proofs,  in  my 
own  hand  writing.  But  they  have  wished  a  mo- 
Jiopoly  of  commerce  and  influence  with  us,  and  they 
have  in  fact  obtained  it.  When  we  take  notice 
that  theirs  is  the  workshop  to  which  we  go  for 
all  we  want ;  that  witli  them  centre,  either  im 
mediately  or  ultimately,  all  the  labour  of  our  hands 
and  lands ;  that  to  them  belongs,  either  openly  or 
secretly,  the  great  mass  of  our  navigation ;  that 
even  the  factorage  of  their  affairs  here  is  kept  to 
themselves  by  factitious  citizenships  ;  that  these 
foreign  and  false  citizens  now  constitute  the  great 
body  of  w  hat  are  called  our  merchants,  fill  our  sea 
ports,  are  planted  in  every  little  town  and  district 
.of  the  interior  country,  sway  every  thing  in  the 
former  place  by  their  own  votes  and  those  of  their 
dependents,  in  the  latter  by  their  insinuations  and 
the  influence  of  their  ledgers  ;  that  they  are  ad 
vancing  fast  to  a  monopoly  of  our  banks  and  pub 
lic  funds,  and  thereby  placing  our  public  finances 
under  their  control ;  that  they  have  in  their  alliance 
the  most  influential  characters,  in  and  out  of  office. 
When  they  have  shown  that  by  all  these  bearings 
on  the  different  branches  of  the  ^ovennnent,  they 


140  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

can  force  it  to  proceed  in  any  direction  they  dic 
tate,  and  bend  the  interests  of  this  country  entire 
ly  to  the  will  of  another  ;  when  all  this,  I  say  is 
attended  to,  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  say  we  stand 
on  independent  grounds,  impossible  for  a  free  mind 
not  to  see  and  to  groan  under  the  bondage  in  which 
it  is  bound.  If  any  thing  after  this  could  excite 
surprise,  it  would  be,  that  they  have  been  able 
so  far  to  throw  dust  into  the  eyes  of  our  own  citi 
zens,  as  to  fix  on  those  who  wish  merely  to  re 
cover  self-government,  the  charge  of  subserving 
one  foreign  influence,  because  they  resist  submission 
to  another.  But  they  possess  our  printing  presses, 
a  powerful  engine  in  their  government  of  us.  At 
this  very  moment  they  would  have  drawn  us  into 
war  on  the  side  of  England,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
failure  of  her  bank.  Such  was  their  open  and  loud 
cry  and  that  of  their  gazettes  till  this  event.  After 
plunging  us  in  all  the  broils  of  the  European  na 
tions,  there  would  remain  but  one  act  to  close  our 
tragedy,  that  is,  to  break  up  our  union  :  and  even 
this  they  have  ventured  seriously  and  solemnly 
to  propose,  and  maintain  by  argument,  in  a  Con 
necticut  paper.  I  have  been  happy  however  in 
believing,  from  the  stifling  of  this  effort,  that  that 
dose  was  found  too  strong,  and  excited  as  much 
repugnance  there  as  it  did  horror  in  other  parts  of 
our  country,  and  that  whatever  follies  we  may  be 
led  into  as  to  foreign  nations,  we  shall  never  give 
up  our  union,  the  last  anchor  of  our  hope,  and  that 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  141 

alone,  which  is  to  prevent  this  heavenly  country 
from  becoming  an  arena  of  gladiators.  Much  as  I 
abhor  war,  and  view  it  as  the  greatest  scourge 
of  mankind,  and  axiously  as  I  wish  to  keep  out 
of  the  broils  of  Europe,  I  would  yet  go  with  my 
brethren  into  these  rather  than  separate  from  them. 
But  I  hope  we  shall  keep  clear  of  them,  notwith 
standing  our  present  thraldom,  and  that  time  may 
be  given  us  to  reflect  on  the  awful  crisis  we  have 
passed  through,  and  to  find  some  means  of  shield 
ing  ourselves  in  future  from  foreign  influence,  com 
mercial,  political,  or  in  whatever  other  form  it  may 
be  attempted.  I  can  scarcely  withhold  myself 
from  joining  in  the  wish  of  Silas  Deane,  that  there 
were  an  ocean  of  fire  between  us  and  the  old 
world.  A  perfect  confidence  that  you  are  as  much 
attached  to  peace  and  union  as  myself,  that  you 
equally  prize  independence  of  all  nations  and  the 
blessings  of  self-government,  has  induced  me  free 
ly  to  unbosom  myself  to  you,  and  let  you  sec  the 
light  in  which  I  have  viewed  what  has  been  pass 
ing  among  us  from  the  beginning  of  this  war. 
And  I  shall  be  happy  at  all  times  in  an  intercom 
munication  of  sentiments  with  you,  believing  that 
the  dispositions  of  the  different  parts  of  our  coun 
try  have  been  considerably  misrepresented  and 
misunderstood  in  each  part  as  to  the  other,  and  that 
nothing  but  jrood  can  result  from  an  exchange  of 

o  o 

opinions  and    information    between    those   whose 


142  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

circumstances  and  morals  admit  no  doubt  of  the 
integrity  of  their  views.  I  remain  with  constant 
.and  sincere  esteem,  dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 
TH.  JEFFERSON. 


The  design  alluded  to  by  Mr.  Gerry,  has  since 
been  distinctly  avowed  by  the  leader  of  the  party ,* 
and  the  declaration  made  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  the 
projectors  of  the  scheme  under  the  pretence  of 
friendship  for  Mr.  Adams,  were  only  less  hostile 
to  the  one  than  the  other,  was  within  a  short  time 
placed  wholly  beyond  dispute.! 

In  answer  to  a  letter  of  congratulation,  the  fol 
lowing  was  received  from  a  lady,  who  in  the  ele 
vated  sphere  she  was  called  to  fill,  displayed  all 
that  dignity  and  elegance,  which  entitles  her  to 
the  admiration  and  respect  of  the  community,  as 
her  private  virtues  and  amiable  character  secured 
the  affection  of  her  domestic  circle,  and  the  es 
teem  of  her  friends. 

*  "  It  is  true  that  the  faithful  execution  of  this  plan  would 
have  given  Mr.  Pinckney  a  somewhat  better  chance  than  Mr. 
Adams,  nor  shall  it  be  concealed  that  an  issue  favourable  to 
the  former  would  not  have  been  disagreeable  to  me,  as  indeed  I 
declared  at  the  time,  in  the  circles' of  my  confidential  friends."- 
Letter  from  A.  Hamilton  on  the  public  conduct,  fyc.  of  J. 
page  17. 

f  Ibid,  page  18. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.       143 

MRS.  ADAMS  TO  MR.  GERRY. 

QUINCT,  DECEMBER  31,  179G. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  obliging  favour  of  December  28th,  I  re 
ceived  by  the  hand  of  Dr.  Welch.  I  thank  you 
sir,  for  your  congratulations,  which  receive  their 
value  from  the  sincerity  with  which  I  believe  them 
fraught.  The  elevated  station  in  which  the  suf 
frages  of  our  country  have  placed  our  friend,  is 
encompassed  with  so  many  dangers  and  difficul 
ties,  that  it  appears  to  me  a  slippery  precipice, 
surrounded  on  all  sides  with  rocks,  shoals  and 
quicksands.  There  is  not  any  man,  in  whom  again 
can  be  united,  such  an  assemblage  of  fortunate 
circumstances,  to  combine  all  hearts  in  his  favour, 
and  every  voice  in  unison,  as  has  been  the  singu 
lar  lot  of  the  president  of  the  United  States.  Yet 
even  he,  with  the  full  tide  of  favour  and  affection, 
has  tasted  the  bitter  cup  of  calumny  and  abuse, 
an  imported  cup,  a  foreign  mixture,  a  poison  so 
subtle  as  to  have  infected  even  native  Americans. 
What  must  a  successor  expect,  who  has  near  half 
the  country  opposed  to  his  election  ?  as  well  as  all 
the  friends  of  the  rival  candidates  mortified  at 
their  defeat. 

You  sir,  have  been  too  long  conversant  in  pub 
lic  life,  and  full  wrell  know  "  the  par.gs  and  heart 
aches"  to  which  it  is  subject,  not  personally  to 
mix  commiseration  with  your  congratulations. 


144  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

At  my  time  of  life,  the  desire  and  wish  to  shine 
in  public  is  wholly  extinguished. 

Retirement  to  Peacefield,  the  name  which  Mr. 
Adams  has  given  to  his  farm,  is  much  more 
eligible  to  me,  particularly  as  my  health  has  se 
verely  suffered  by  my  residence  at  Philadelphia. 
But  personally  I  shall  consider  myself  as  the  small 
dust  of  the  balance,  when  compared  to  the  inter 
ests  of  a  nation.  To  preserve  peace,  to  support 
order,  and  continue  to  the  country  that  system  of 
government  under  which  it  has  become  prosperous 
and  happy,  the  sacrifice  of  an  individual  life,  im 
portant  only  to  its  near  connexions,  ought  not  to 
be  taken  into  consideration. 

I  fully  agree  with  you  in  sentiment  as  it  res 
pects  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  I  have  long 
known  him,  and  entertain  for  him  a  personal 
friendship,  and  though  I  cannot  accord  with  him 
in  some  of  his  politics,  I  do  not  believe  him  culpa 
ble  to  the  extent  he  has  been  represented.  Placed 
at  the  head  of  the  senate,  I  trust  his  conduct  will 
be  wise  and  prudent.  I  hope  it  will  be  a  means 
of  softening  the  animosity  of  party,  and  of  cement 
ing  and  strengthening  the  bond  of  union. 

There  never  was  any  public  or  private  animosi 
ty  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson.  Upon 
the  subject  of  Paine's  Rights  of  Man,  there  was  a 
disagreement  in  sentiment.  Mr.  Jefferson  "  does 

o 

not  look  quite  through  the  deeds  of  men."     Time 

has  fully  disclosed  whose  opinion  was  well  founded. 

The  gentleman  you  alluded  to  as  an  active  agent 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  145 

ill  the  election,  has  no  doubt  his  views  and  de 
signs.  There  are  some  characters  more  supple 
than  others,  more  easily  wrought  upon,  more  ac 
commodating,  more  complying.  Such  a  person 
miirht  be  considered  as  the  ostensible  engine,  which 

a  o  7 

a  master  hand  could  work.  To  what  other  mo 
tive  can  be  ascribed  the  machiavelian  policy  of 
placing  at  the  head  of  the  government,  a  gentle 
man  not  particularly  distinguished  for  any  impor 
tant  services  to  his  country,  and  scarcely  heard  of 
beyond  the  state,  which  gave  him  birth,  until  sent 
upon  a  public  embassy. 

"  Corruption  wins  not  more  than  honesty."  I 
feel  sir,  when  addressing  you,  the  confidence  of 
an  old  friend,  and  that  an  apology  is  unnecessary 
for  the  freedom  of  communication. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  compliments  to  Mrs. 
Gerry.  It  would  give  me  pleasure  to  receive  a 
friendly  visit  from  her  and  from  you. 

I  am,  dear  sir, 

With  sentiments  of  respect  and  esteem, 
Your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

ABIGAIL  ADAMS. 


10 


146  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 


CHAPTER     V. 

Cabinet  of  president  Jldams Mr.  Gerry  nominated  on  a  mission 

to  France Hostility  of  Mr.  Pickering Acceptance  urged 

by  Mr.  Jefferson Letter  from  Mr.  Otis Arrival  in  Paris. 

State  of  France Retrospective  history  of  the  connexion  between 

France  and  the  United  States. 

THE  election  of  Mr.  Adams  was  a  signal  tri 
umph  to  the  federal  party.  It  gave  them,  for  at 
least  four  years,  the  command  of  the  government, 
the  influence  of  place  and  patronage,  and  the  van 
tage  ground  of  their  opponents,  which  they  lost  no 
time  to  improve. 

The  executive  chief  was  not  it  is  true,  selected 
by  their  voluntary  preference.  Men  of  leading 
influence  among  them  entertained  serious  doubts 
of  his  fitness  for  the  station,  but  "  to  preserve  the 
harmony  of  their  party,  they  thought  it  better  to 
indulge  their  hopes  than  listen  to  their  fears. "* 

Those  of  them,  who  were  desirous  of  an  undue 
share  of  influence,  who  from  behind  the  throne 
would  be  greater  than  the  throne  itself,  anticipat 
ed  from  the  character  of  Mr.  Adams  insurmount 
able  obstacles  to  their  schemes  of  personal  ambi 
tion.  The  experience  of  the  president  in  the  ser 
vice  of  his  country  at  home  and  abroad,  through 
all  the  troubles  of  the  revolution,  and  since  the 

*  Hamilton's  letter,  page  16. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  147 

organization  of  its  government,  and  the  natural 
temperament  of  his  mind  justly  proud  of  its  re 
sources,  and  confident  in  its  strength,  were  not 
likely  to  devolve  on  the  aspiring  spirits,  who  sur 
rounded  him,  the  attributes  of  office,  while  he 
himself  should  hold  a  barren  sceptre  in  his  hand. 
The  attempt  to  render  him  a  mere  automaton 
under  their  control,  and  the  resistance,  which  his 
integrity  and  pride  roused  in  opposition,  soon  pro 
duced  that  disunion  in  his  cabinet,  which  mainly 
contributed  to  its  fall. 

The  views  of  the  president  were  however  es 
sentially  those  of  the  federal  party,  as  they  related 
to  measures  of  domestic  policy  or  foreign  inter 
course  ;  and  the  spirit  of  his  first  communication 
to  congress,  was  well  calculated  to  elevate  the 
confidence  of  his  friends,  and  to  diminish  the  in 
fluence  of  his  opponents. 

It  spoke  of  the  disposition  of  France  to  alienate 
the  people  of  the  United  States  from  their  govern 
ment  ;  a  charge,  the  belief  of  which  caused  higher 
resentment  than  almost  any  other  on  the  long  ca 
talogue  of  wrongs,  and  it  gave  point  to  the  accu 
sation,  by  something  more  than  an  intimation,  that 
a  conduct  so  demoralizing  had  already  been  en 
couraged  by  a  party  at  home.  The  energy,  with 
which  the  speech  incited  the  citizens  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  to  convince  France  they  were  "  not  a 
degraded  people  humiliated  under  a  colonial  spirit 
of  fear  and  sense  of  inferiority,  fitted  to  be  the 


148  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

miserable  instruments  of  foreign  influence,  and 
regardless  of  national  honour,  character  and  in 
terest,"  implied  an  accusation  against  all  that  class 
of  the  community,  who  by  recommending  a  policy 
different  from  his  own,  had  tended  to  produce  the 
disgraceful  condition  at  which  he  spurned. 

The  popular  language  of  the  day  described  the 
republican  party  as  a  French  party,  and  the  speech 
of  the  president  was  calculated  to  fix  upon  them  the 
seal  of  reproach.  It  left  a  sting,  which  high  and 
honourable  men  could  not  but  resent.  It  was  con 
trived,  at  some  expense  indeed,  to  bring  to  the  aid 
of  the  executive  those  principles  of  loyalty  and  at 
tachment  to  their  political  institutions  of  which 
the  Americans  are  proud,  by  describing  the  oppo- 
sers  of  the  administration  as  miserable  instruments 
of  foreign  influence,  regardless  of  national  honour, 
character  and  interest. 

In  the  existing  state  of  things,  the  first  effort 
of  sound  policy  was  to  restore  the  amicable  rela 
tions  between  the  United  States  and  France,  or 
if  that  was  impossible,  to  bring  to  the  standard  of 
the  administration  a  strong  accession  of  force 
from  the  opposing  ranks,  by  making  the  impos 
sibility  apparent. 

The  president  therefore  avowed  his  design  of 
instituting  a  "  fresh  attempt  at  negotiation,  and 
his  intention  to  promote  and  accelerate  an  accom 
modation  on  terms  compatible  with  the  rights,  du 
ties,  interests  and  honour  of  the  nation." 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  149 

In  this  declaration  of  the  president  subsequent 
events  proved  he  was  sincere.  If  the  language  of 
his  coadjutors  be  taken  for  true,  it  is  not  now  to 
be  doubted  that  the  same  integrity  of  intention 
influenced  their  councils.  But  the  great  republican 
party,  while  they  hailed  every  effort  with  accla 
mation,  which  might  tend  to  preserve  the  bless 
ings  of  peace,  yet  with  the  jealousy,  which  be 
longed  to  such  times,  doubted  whether  the  parade 
of  negotiation  was  any  thing  more  than  an  artful 
effort  to  reconcile  the  nation  to  the  alternative 
of  war. 

By  this  great  section  of  the  community  it  was 
believed,  that  the  past  intercourse  of  the  countries 
wras  not  carried  on  in  good  faith  by  the  American 
ministers  ;  and  that  the  show  of  negotiation  was 
artfully  contrived  to  demonstrate  its  inefficiency, 
with  a  view  to  enlist  the  public  sentiment  in  mea 
sures,  which  must  necessarily  follow  the  failure  of 
an  amicable  settlement.  They  imputed  to  their 
rivals  a  desire,  as  old  as  the  constitution,  to  con 
vert  the  government  into  something  stronger  than 
a  mere  representative  republic,  and  as  the  first 
step  in  this  drama,  to  draw  a  closer  connexion 
with  England,  whose  government  and  forms  of 
administration,  and  whose  principles  of  civil  policy 
were  more  accordant  with  their  own.  They  im 
puted  to  them  a  desire  of  producing  such  a  state 
of  public  affairs  as  would  place  at  the  command  of 
the  executive  an  imposing  military  force,  an  in- 


150  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

creased  revenue,  a  vast  official  patronage,  and 
a  coercive  power  over  the  personal  liberty  of 
its  citizens.  Public  opinion  it  was  certain  must 
be  elevated  by  the  occurring  of  a  crisis,  to  fa 
cilitate  the  progress  of  such  operations,  and  the 
failure  of  a  negotiation,  which  would  necessarily 
produce  a  formal  war,  would  be  the  consummation 
of  their  hopes. 

Not  only  did  the  republican  party  hold  opinions 
diametrically  opposite  to  these  grand  schemes,  but 
the  great  body  of  the  federalists  it  was  known 
needed  only  to  discover  them,  to  overwhelm  them 
with  reprobation.  The  plan  belonged  to  the  ele 
vated  few,  who  could  expect  to  succeed  in  it  only 
by  those  master  strokes  of  policy,  for  which  if 
their  inclination  suited,  they  were  not  deficient  in 
ability. 

This  conspiracy  against  the  public  liberty,  im 
puted  to  the  leaders  of  the  dominant  party  and 
proclaimed  by  their  opponents  like  the  prophecies 
of  Cassandra  to  incredulous  ears,  has  since  been 
wonderfully  countenanced  by  the  disclosures,  which 
the  then  president  has  made  ;*  and  it  may  be 
now  taken  for  true,  that  it  was  a  combination  of 
a  comparatively  small  circle  of  influential  men, 
against  the  sense  of  the  nation,  and  that  these 
were  even  less  guided  by  motives  of  personal  am 
bition  and  desire  of  authority,  than  by  a  zeal  for 
their  country's  welfare,  which  in  their  opinion 

*  President  Adams'  letters,  No.  2,  p.  66. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  151 

could  be  preserved  from  dissolution  in  its  weak 
ness,  only  by  the  tonics  of  their  philosophy. 
The  fact  that  such  a  plan  existed  in  the  cabinet, 
explains  many  of  the  measures,  which  form  the 
history  of  those  interesting  times. 

In  pursuance  of  the  president's  declaration,  he 
instituted  a  commission  to-  the  French  republic, 
and  as  a  pledge  of  his  own  sincerity,  he  proposed 
to  place  among  its  members  some  distinguished 
individual  of  the  party,  whose  course  of  policy  com 
manded  the  confidence  of  the  opposition.  In  a 
private  interview  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  appoint 
ment  was  offered  to  him,  but  declined.  The  in 
terior  of  the  cabinet  is  so  well  drawn  by  Mr.  Ad 
ams,  that  it  may  be  best  described  in  his  own 
words.* 

"  From  Mr.  Jefferson  I  went  to  one  of  the  heads  of  depart 
ments,  whom  Mr.  Washington  had  appointed,  and  I  had  no 
thoughts  of  removing.  Indeed  I  had  then  no  objection  to  any 
of  the  secretaries.  I  asked  him  what  he  thought  of  sending  Mr. 
Madison  to  France,  with  or  without  others  ?  Is  it  determined 
to  send  to  France  at  all  .'  Determined  ?  Nothing  is  determined 
till  it  is  executed,  smiling.  But  why  not  ? — I  thought  it  deserv 
ed  consideration. — So  it  docs  ;  but  suppose  it  determined,  what 
do  you  think  of  sending  Mr.  Madison  ?  Is  it  determined  to  send 
Mr.  Madison  ?  No  ;  but  it  deserves  consideration.  Sending  Mr. 
Madison  will  make  dire  work  among  the  passions  of  our  parties 
in  congress,  and  out  of  doors,  through  the  states!  Are  we  for 
ever  to  be  overawed  and  directed  by  party  passions?  All  this 
conversation  on  my  part  was  with  the  most  perfect  civility,  good 
humour,  and  indeed  familiarity  ;  but  I  found  it  excited  a  pro 
found  gloom  and  solemn  countenance  in  my  companion,  which 

*    Correspondence  of  the  late  president  Adams,  p.  G3. 


152  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

after  some  time  broke  out  in  "  Mr.  President,  we  are  willing  to 
resign."  Nothing  could  have  been  more  unexpected  to  me  than 
this  observation.  Nothing  was  further  from  my  thoughts  than 
to  give  any  pain  or  uneasiness.  I  had  said  nothing  that  could 
possibly  displease,  except  pronouncing  the  name  of  Madison.  I 
restrained  my  surprise,  however,  and  only  said,  I  hope  nobody 
will  resign  :  I  am  satisfied  with  all  the  public  officers. 

Upon  further  enquiries  of  the  other  heads  of  departments,  and 
of  other  persons,  I  found  that  party  passions  had  so  deep  and 
extensive  roots,  that  I  seriously  doubted  whether  the  senate 
would  not  negative  Mr.  Madison  if  I  should  name  him.  Rather 
than  expose  him  to  a  negative,  or  a  doubtful  contest  in  the 
senate,  I  concluded  to  omit  him.  If  I  had  nominated  Madison, 
1  should  have  nominated  Hamilton  with  him.  The  former,  1 
knew,  was  much  esteemed  in  France  ;  the  latter  was  rather  an 
object  of  jealousy.  But  I  thought  the  French  would  tolerate 
one  for  the  sake  of  the  other.  And  I  thought  too  that  the  man 
ners  of  the  one  would  soon  wear  off  the  prejudices  against  him, 
and  probably  make  him  a  greater  favourite  than  the  other.  But 
having  given  up  Madison,  I  ought  to  give  up  Hamilton  too. 
Who  then  should  I  name  ?  I  mentioned  Mr.  Dana  and  Mr.  Ger 
ry  to  the  heads  of  departments  and  to  many  leading  members  in 
both  houses.  They  all  preferred  Mr.  Dana.  But  it  was  evident 
enough  to  me,  that  neither  Dana  nor  Gerry  was  their  man. 
Dana  was  appointed,  but  refused.  I  then  called  the  heads  of 
departments  together,  and  proposed  Mr.  Gerry.  All  the  five 
voices  unanimously  were  against  him.  Such  inveterate  preju 
dice  shocked  me.  I  said  nothing,  but  was  determined  I  would 
not  be  the  slave  of  it.  I  knew  the  man  infinitely  better  than  all 
of  them.  He  was  nominated  and  approved,  and  finally  saved 
the  peace  of  the  nation;  for  he  alone  discovered  and  furnished 
the  evidence  that  X.  Y.  and  Z.  were  employed  by  Talleyrand  ; 
and  he  alone  brought  home  the  direct,  formal  and  official  as 
surances  upon  which  the  subsequent  commission  proceeded,  and 
peace  was  made." 

The  secretary  of  state  has  denied  this  statement 
of  the  president.  He  says,  "  I  have  before  stated, 
that  when  Mr.  Adams  first  proposed  Mr.  Gerry 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  163 

for  one  of  the  envoys,  the  heads  of  departments 
objected,  and  that  Mr.  Adams  gave  way  and  sub 
stituted  chief  justice  Dana,  of  Massachusetts,  but 
on  his  declining,  Mr.  Adams  recurred  to  Mr.  Ger 
ry,  and  in  a  manner  to  preclude  any  further  oppo 
sition.  As  to  senators,  I  am  perfectly  persuaded 
I  never  spoke  to  any  one  of  them.  We  had  en 
tire  confidence  in  general  Pinckney  and  general 
Marshall,  and  only  wished  to  save  them  from  be 
ing  embarrassed  with  a  difficult  and  troublesome 
associate,  and  such  to  their  extreme  vexation  and 
delay,  Mr.  Gerry  proved  to  be."* 

A  difficult  and  troublesome  associate  any  one 
would  be,  whose  views  either  of  the  foreign  or 
domestic  relations  of  his  country  differed  from  a 
majority  of  his  colleagues.  At  the  moment  when 
Mr.  Gerry's  name  was  proposed  to  the  cabinet,  he 
held  a  rank  in  the  councils  of  the  country  above 
that,  which  had  then  been  attained  by  either  of 
his  colleagues,  and  the  apprehension,  if  it  truly 
existed  on  the  mind  of  the  secretary,  that  he 
would  be  a  difficult  and  troublesome  associate, 
must  have  arisen  from  his  belief  that  it  would  be 
difficult  to  bend  the  integrity  of  his  mind  from  the 
principles  he  espoused,  and  troublesome  to  carry 
negotiation  to  the  point,  which  the  secretary  de 
sired,  when  a  party  to  its  progress  had  different 
views  of  the  interest  of  his  country. 

Cut  the  clamour,  which  the  cabinet  made  against 

*    Pick.  Review,  p.  137. 
VOL.    [I.  20 


154  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

the  president's  nomination,  was  more  than  com 
pensated  by  the  confidence,  which  it  gave  to  the 
republican  party. 

From  all  quarters  letters  poured  in  upon  Mr. 
Gerry  urging  his  acceptance,  and  placing  the  re 
sponsibility  of  a  refusal  on  such  grounds  as  left 
him  without  the  possibility  of  declining. 

From  the  mass  of  these  solicitous  epistles,  the 
following,  from  the  great  leader  and  champion  of 
his  party,  is  selected  as  well  for  the  powerful 
reasons,  which  it  enumerates,  as  for  the  influence, 
which  it  had  in  producing  the  acceptance,  which  it 
urged, 

MR.  JEFFERSON  TO  MR.  GERRY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  JUNE  21,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, 

It  was  with  infinite  joy  to  me  that  you  were 
yesterday  announced  to  the  senate  as  envoy  ex 
traordinary,  jointly  with  general  Pinckney  and 
Mr.  Marshall,  to  the  French  republic.  It  gave 
me  certain  assurance  that  there  would  be  a  pre 
ponderance  in  the  mission  sincerely  disposed  to  be 
at  peace  with  the  French  government  and  nation. 
Peace  is  undoubtedly  at  present  the  first  object  of 
our  nation.  Interest  and  honour  are  also  national 
considerations ;  but  interest,  duly  weighed,  is  in 
favour  of  peace,  even  at  the  expense  of  spoliations 
past  and  future  ;  and  honour  cannot  now  be  an 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  155 

object.  The  insults  and  injuries  committed  on  us 
by  both  the  belligerent  parties  from  the  beginning 
of  1793  to  this  day,  and  still  continuing  by  both, 
cannot  now  be  wiped  off  by  engaging  in  war  with 
one  of  them.  As  there  is  great  reason  to  expect 
this  is  the  last  campaign  in  Europe,  it  would  cer 
tainly  be  better  for  us  to  rub  through  this  year 
as  we  have  done  through  the  four  preceding  ones, 
and  hope  that  on  the  restoration  of  peace  we  may 
be  able  to  establish  some  plan  for  our  foreign  con 
nexions  more  likely  to  secure  our  peace,  interest 
and  honour  in  future.  Our  countrymen  have  di 
vided  themselves  by  such  strong  affections  to  the 
French  and  the  English,  that  nothing  will  secure 
us  internally,  but  a  divorce  from  both  nations ;  and 
this  must  be  the  object  of  every  real  American, 
arid  its  attainment  is  practicable  without  much 
self-denial ;  but  for  this,  peace  is  necessary.  Be 
assured  of  this,  my  dear  sir,  that  if  we  engage  in 
a  war  during  our  present  passions  and  our  present 
weakness  in  some  quarters,  that  our  union  runs 
the  greatest  risk  of  not  coming  out  of  that  war  in 
the  shape  in  which  it  enters  it.  My  reliance  for 
our  preservation  is  in  your  acceptance  of  this  mis 
sion.  I  know  the  tender  circumstances,  which 
will  oppose  themselves  to  it  ;  but  its  duration  will 
be  short,  and  its  reward  long.  You  have  it  in  your 
power  by  accepting  and  determining  the  character 
of  the  mission,  to  secure  the  present  peace  and 
eternal  union  of  your  country.  If  you  decline,  on 
motives  of  private  pain,  a  substitute  may  be  named 


156  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

who  has  enlisted  his  passions  in  the  present  con 
test,  and  by  the  preponderance  of  his  vote  in  the 
mission,  may  entail  on  us  calamities,  your  share 
in  which  and  your  feelings  will  outweigh  what 
ever  pain  or  temporary  absence  from  your  family 
could  give  you.  The  sacrifice  will  be  short,  the 
remorse  would  be  never  ending.  Let  me  then 
my  dear  sir,  conjure  your  acceptance,  and  that 
you  will  by  this  act  seal  the  mission  with  the  con 
fidence  of  all  parties.  Your  nomination  has  given 
a  spring  to  hope,  which  was  dead  before.  I  leave 
this  place  in  three  days,  and  therefore  shall  not 
here  have  the  pleasure  of  learning  your  determin 
ation,  but  it  will  reach  me  in  my  retirement  and 
enrich  the  tranquillity  of  that  scene.  It  will  add 
to  the  proofs^  which  have  convinced  me  that  the 
man  who  loves  his  country  on  its  own  account, 
and  not  merely  for  its  trappings  of  interest  or 
power,  can  never  be  divorced  from  it ;  can  never 
refuse  to  come  forward  when  he  finds  that  she  is 
engaged  in  dangers,  which  he  has  the  means  of 
warding  off.  Make  then  an  effort,  my  friend,  to 
renounce  your  domestic  comforts  for  a  few  months, 
and  reflect  that  to  be  a  good  husband  and  a  good 
father,  at  this  moment  you  must  be  also  a  good 
citizen. 

With   sincere  wishes  for  your  acceptance  and 
success,  I  am  with  unalterable  esteem,  dear  sir, 
Your  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

TH.  JEFFERSON. 

Mr.  Gerry. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  157 

To  the  above  may  be  added  one  from  a  gen 
tleman  who,  well  known  to  be  of  the  federal  party, 
was  not  considered  of  the  conclave  who  formed 
the  majority  of  the  cabinet. 


MR.    OTIS   TO    MR.    GERRY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  JUNE  22,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR, 

It  was  with  peculiar  pleasure  that  I  this  day 
certified  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate  to 
your  appointment,  to  be  envoy  extraordinary  to 
the  republic  of  France,  by  a  large  and  respectable 
majority.  I  hope,  however  dear  and  amiable  your 
family  and  the  great  pleasures  of  domestic  retire 
ment,  you  will  once  more  step  forward  to  the  aid 
of  your  country,  whose  independence  and  happi 
ness  you  have  contributed,  by  great  and  unremit- 
ted  exertion,  to  achieve,  against  every  considera 
tion  that  may  suggest  itself  to  your  mind.  You 
will  go  under  peculiar  advantages,  in  perfect  con 
fidence  of  both  the  great  parties  into  which  our 
country  is  unhappily  divided,  and  from  long  ex 
perience,  acquainted  with  its  general  interests. 

Selfish  considerations  do  not  preponderate  in 
your  mind  ;  if  however,  you  can  serve  your  health, 
which  I  am  persuaded  a  sea  voyage  at  this  season 
would  do,  and  your  country  at  the  same  time,  both 
pursuits  are  laudable.  In  the  name  of  your  many 
good  friends,  and  in  conformity  to  my  own  incli- 


158  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

nations  to  see  you  again  in  public  life,  I  repeat  my 
solicitations  that  you  would  make  an  effort  and 
gratify  as  well  as  serve  your  country. 

My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Gerry,  and  tell  her  I 
expect  her  aid  in  doing  away  every  objection  that 
may  present  itself  to  your  acceptance  of  an  hon 
ourable  appointment,  in  this  very  critical  state  of 
our  public  affairs. 

With  assurances  of  my  best  wishes  and  respects, 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

SAM'L  A.  OTIS. 
The  Hon.  Elbridge  Gerry. 


Nothing  could  have  been  more  unexpected  to 
Mr.  Gerry  than  the  appointment,  which  thus  re 
quired  him  to  enter  again  into  public  service.  The 
condition  of  his  private  affairs  and  the  peculiar 
situation  of  his  family  presented  almost  insuper 
able  obstacles  to  the  task  assigned  him.  Yielding 
however  to  the  inducements,  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  powerfully  arrayed,  at  a  sacrifice  of  personal 
feeling,  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  describe,  and 
an  abandonment  of  private  interest,  which  never 
afterwards  was  repaired,  Mr.  Gerry  embarked  for 
Europe  on  the  9th  August,  1797. 

The  American  envoys  arrived  at  Paris  at  a  pe 
riod  peculiarly  inauspicious  to  their  views.*  They 

*  The  state  of  society  was  not  exactly  that,  which  an  Ameri 
can  would  have  preferred.  In  a  familiar  letter  to*one  of  his  fa- 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  150 

found  the  republic  elated  by  conquests,  and  tri 
umphing  as  well  in  its  policy  as  its  arms.  The 
military  strength  of  Europe,  which  originally 
threatened  the  destruction  of  the  new  nation,  was 
scattered  and  overthrown.  "  The  conspiracy  of 
kings,"  to  destroy  the  principles  of  liberty  was 
annihilated,  and  her  victorious  troops  released  from 
the  discouraging  duty  of  defending  her  own  terri 
tories,  had  engaged  in  a  war  of  conquest,  whose 
glory  surpassed  the  proudest  periods  of  her  power. 

Spain,  Portugal,  Holland  had  successively  yield 
ed  to  her  arms.  Italy  was  conquered.  Rome 
submitted  its  pontifical  pride  to  her  dictation. 
Germany,  by  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  was 
under  her  control.  Vienna  and  Venice  had  seen 
her  flag  wave  in  triumph  on  their  walls.  A  million 
bayonets,  directed  by  military  genius  as  original 
as  astonishing,  were  ready  to  extend  her  conquests 
to  the  limits  of  the  world. 

Nor  were  the  interior  affairs  of  the  republic  cal 
culated  to  encourage  in  her  government  a  less 
haughty  spirit  or  a  less  offensive  demeanour. 

mily,  Mr.  Gerry  says,  "  The  morning  after  my  arrival  I  was  wait 
ed  on  by  the  musicians  of  the  executive,  and  the  succeeding 
morning  by  a  deputation  of  Poissards  or  fishwomen  for  presents. 
Major  Ilutledge  was  kind  enough  to  negotiate  for  me,  by  which 
means  T  avoided  the  kind  caresses  of  the  ladies,  and  an  interview 
with  the  gentlemen.  They  expected  fifteen  or  twenty  guineas, 
•which  each  of  us,  according  to  custom  was  obliged  to  give  them. 
When  the  ladies  get  sight  of  a  minisicr,  as  they  did  of  my  col 
leagues,  they  smother  them  with  their  delicate  kisses!  So  much 
for  the  dignity  of  the  corps  diplomatique.  MS.  letter,  9th  Octo 
ber  1797. 


160  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

The  power  of  the  directory  had  just  been  con 
firmed  by  the  revolution  of  18th  Fructidor  [4th 
Sept.  1797]  and  an  authority,  nominally  that  of  the 
people,  but  in  truth  of  the  army,  had  escaped  from 
the  danger  of  dissolution  by  the  boldness  of  its 
councils,  and  perpetuated  itself  by  disregarding  the 
constitution  to  which  it  owed  its  existence. 

The  executive  directory  had  overcome  its  ene 
mies,  and  amid  excesses  of  all  kinds  contrived  to 
retain  the  favour  of  the  people.  It  now  wielded 
the  military  force  of  the  nation,  and  felt  all  the 
pride  and  importance,  which  could  be  derived  from 
this  vast  array  of  influence  and  power. 

A  second  negotiation  with  England,  conducted 
with  lord  Malmsbury  by  the  ministers  of  the  direc 
tory,  had  been  broken  off,  having  exhibited  the 
obstinacy  and  the  haughtiness  of  the  parties  rather 
than  any  sincere  desire  for  peace.  To  the  French 
nation  therefore  only  one  enemy  remained,  and 
upon  that  enemy  the  force  and  the  indignation  of 
the  whole  population  was  about  to  be  concentred. 

"  Although,"  say  the  directory,  "  so  much  has 
been  done,  so  many  kings  conquered,  so  many 
people  set  free,  and  the  republic  itself  established 
by  the  valour  of  its  armies,  yet  the  country  ex 
pected  one  more  sacrifice,  since  that  enemy,  who 
had  been  the  original  cause  of  all  the  horrors  and 
miseries  they  had  suffered,  both  from  foreign  and 
civil  war,  remained  to  be  crushed.  The  safety  of 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  161 

the  republic    is   endangered    whilst    the    English 
government  exists.* 

Bonaparte,  after  concluding  a  treaty  with  the 
emperor,  so  astonishingly  favourable  to  France, 
that  it  has  been  supposed  to  have  added  an  entire 
fifth  to  her  ample  military  means,  was  himself 
ready  to  take  command  of  the  force,  which  the 
haughtiness  of  the  republic  destined  to  achieve  the 
last  of  its  labours.  The  success  of  this  effort, 
which  was  to  complete  the  conquest  of  the  world, 
was  not  more  the  subject  of  national  exertion  than 
popular  enthusiasm.  The  feelings  of  the  commu 
nity  were  excited  by  past  success  to  a  species  of 
madness  in  this  great  effort  of  aggrandizement,  and 
with  an  ardour  characteristic  of  the  country,  already 
anticipated  their  complete  success. 

It  was  true  indeed,  that  the  naval  strength  of 
the  mistress  of  the  ocean  gave  some  opposi 
tion  to  efforts,  which  must  be  made  within  her 
reach,  and  that  the  resources  at  her  command 
wrere  wrell  arranged  to  protract  the  period  of  her 
overthrow ;  but  however  these  incidents  might 
affect  the  rulers  of  France,  they  had  apparently 
little  force  on  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  seem 
ed  principally  operative  in  accumulating  such  mag 
nificence  of  force  as  would  look  down  opposition. 

The  popular  belief  was  that  England  was  on  the 
point  of  revolution ;  that  oppressed  by  a  ruinous 

*  Proclamation  of  the  Directory,  Nov.  1797. 
VOL.   II.  21 


162  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

debt,  and  borne  down  by  unequalled  taxation,  the 
nation  was  already  more  than  half  conquered,  and 
that  the  appearance  of  a  formidable  force,  under 
which  the  disaffected  could  rally  without  fear, 
would  almost  without  a  blow  complete  the  tri 
umph  of  the  invaders. 

If  the  difficulties  of  the  extravagant  enterprise 
were  better  known  to  the  directory  and  its  gene 
rals,  somewhat  of  a  similar  delusion  prevailed  over 
even  the  soundness  of  their  judgment.  That  a 
powerful  internal  opposition  existed  in  Great  Bri 
tain  was  beyond  doubt ;  how  far  it  would  aid  an 
invading  enemy  was  a  matter  of  speculation.  De 
luded  by  their  success  on  the  continent,  and  cal 
culating  on  their  arts  as  well  as  arms,  the  gov 
ernment  of  France  did  not  permit  themselves  to 
doubt,  that  when  the  flag  of  the  republic  should  be 
fairly  planted  on  the  British  shore,  it  would  be 
hailed  as  the  standard  of  liberty,  a  signal  for  the 
demolition  of  the  monarchy  and  the  dissolution  of 
the  government. 

With  feelings  of  ancient  hostility  and  rivalship 
were  mingled  something  of  resentment  and  indig 
nation  at  the  obstacles,  which  delayed  their  anti 
cipated  triumph.  They  looked  to  the  destruction 
of  this  last  enemy  as  an  event  certainly  to  happen, 
but  protracted  by  circumstances  vexatious  indeed 
but  not  formidable,  which  while  they  delayed  the 
gratification,  served  only  to  sharpen  the  eager  spirit 
of  revenge. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  163 

It  could  not  facilitate  the  objects  of  the  Ameri 
can  embassy,  that  the  principal  cause  of  complaint 
against  the  nation  it  represented,  was  an  imputed 
attachment  to  the  great  enemy  of  the  republic, 
with  whom  it  had  recently  by  treaty  drawn 
closer  the  ties  of  alliance  and  friendship,  and  that 
an  identity  of  principles  and  interest  had  grown  up 
between  them,  which  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
republic  to  discredit  and  condemn. 

In  the  character  of  the  individuals  composing 
the  French  government,   the   American  ambassa 
dors  found  no  cause  for  greater  satisfaction.     The 
recent  revolution   had  deposed   Carnot  and  Bar- 
thelemi.     To  Barras,  Reubel  and  Lepaux  were  ad 
ded  Neufchateau  and  Merlin,  the  latter  more  than 
suspected  of  having  a  direct  interest  in  the  captures 
made  by  French  privateers  on  the  American  com 
merce.     None    of    them    were    distinguished    for 
talent  or  respected  for  public  services.     They  col 
lectively  supported  their  little  less  than  imperial 
station,  by  a  courage  that  nothing  could  intimi 
date,  and  a  ready  disposition  to  disregard   for  per 
sonal  aggrandizement  any  restraints,  which  honour 
or  justice  would  ordinarily  have  power  to  impose. 
As  secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  Talleyrand,  now 
known  as  well  for  the  versatility  and  greatness  of 
his   genius  as   for  the   profligacy  of  his  character 
and  the  successful  hypocrisy  of  his  life,  contrived 
to  exercise  an  almost  unlimited  authority,  without 
being  able  to  obtain  confidence  ;  suiting  himself 


164  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

exactly  to  the  exigencies  of  the  government  by  the 
powers  of  his  intellect  and  the  flexibility  of  his 
principles. 

At  such  a  period  of  triumph,  of  confidence  and 
hope,  before  men  who  limited  their  ambition  nei 
ther  by  precedent  nor  virtue,  the  envoys  of  the 
American  government  presented  themselves  at 
Paris.  They  came,  it  was  well  known,  to  com 
plain,  to  remonstrate,  to  demand  redress.  They 
came  to  unfold  the  unfriendly  disposition  of  the 
French  government  towards  the  only  people  who 
had  established  free  institutions  upon  popular  prin 
ciples,  and  had  demonstrated  the  practicability  of 
the  system,  which  the  French  nation  professed  to 
support ;  and  they  came  to  add  to  their  representa 
tion  of  wrongs  they  were  suffering,  their  grief  at 
the  inconsistency  of  a  policy,  which  alienated  from 
the  only  republic  in  Europe  the  only  other  republic 
in  the  world.  They  came  too,  with  the  character 
and  the  feelings  of  the  representatives  of  a  free 
people,  proud  of  the  independence  of  their  coun 
try,  undismayed  by  the  general  overthrow  of  kings 
and  the  revolution  of  empires,  to  urge  before  the 
gigantic  victors  of  Europe  the  rights  of  justice  in 
the  language  of  equality. 

It  might  have  been  foreseen  that  such  an  em 
bassy  would  be  received  with  coldness,  and  sub 
jected  to  such  inconveniences  as  the  course  of 
diplomacy  can  readily  present ;  but  it  was  hardly 
to  have  been  anticipated  that  an  extraordinary  and 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  165 

important  delegation  of  unusual  dignity  of  charac 
ter,  as  well  in  the  forms  by  which  it  was  instituted 
as  by  the  number  and  respectability  of  the  indi 
viduals  composing  it,  would  have  been  obliged  to 
remain  six  months  in  the  capital  of  a  nation,  nomi 
nally  at  peace  with  their  country,  not  merely  un 
accredited  but  exposed  to  personal  and  official 
mortifications  of  the  most  humiliating  kind ;  and 
finally  to  return,  not  only  without  affecting  the 
object  of  their  mission,  but  without  the  common 
courtesy  of  an  official  discussion  of  it. 

To  aggravate  the  evils  incident  to  so  painful  a 
situation,  an  unfortunate  and  serious  misunder 
standing,  the  common  accident  of  joint  missions, 
arose  between  the  envoys  themselves,  the  blame 
of  which,  although  the  high  and  honourable  dis 
tinctions  subsequently  bestowed  by  their  country 
on  the  individuals  concerned,  may  be  considered 
as  exculpating  each  of  them  successively,  fell  at 
the  time  principally  upon  one. 

To  place  the  conduct  of  the  envoys  in  a  proper 
light,  the  history  of  the  mission  will  be  distinctly 
stated  and  such  remarks  will  be  added  as  are  due 
to  the  individual,  whose  share  in  it  gives  occasion 
to  its  being  mentioned  in  this  place. 

A  brief  retrospect  of  events,  previous  to  this 
extraordinary  mission  to  France,  is  necessary  to  a 
correct  estimate  of  American  policy. 

The  commencement  of  the  French  revolution 
found  the  American  people  ardently  and  univer- 


166  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

sally  interested  in  its  success.  Grateful  for  the 
aid  accorded  to  them  in  their  own  struggle,  they 
joyfully  beheld  the  blessings  of  freedom  dawning 
upon  France.  Proud  of  their  own  liberty,  it  was 
natural  for  them  to  believe  that  no  political  society 
could  admit  of  more  desirable  advantages.  In 
their  feelings  for  the  prosperity  of  republican 
France  there  was  an  enthusiasm  proportioned  to 
the  sublimity  of  the  scene  it  presented. 

A  chivalrous  and  gallant  people  had  for  ages 
been  bound  in  the  fetters  of  despotism.  They 
now  broke  their  chains  and  were  free.  The  first 
impulse  to  this  noble  act  was  derived  from  Ame 
rica.  They  who  had  been  to  the  rest  of  the  civil 
ized  world  a  model  of  intellectual  character  and 
learning  and  taste,  envied  for  their  wealth,  power 
and  renown,  whose  glory  for  ten  centuries  had 
thrown  its  dazzling  rays  over  the  history  of  man 
kind,  and  whose  arts  and  arms  had  divided  the 
empire  of  the  world,  condescended  to  receive  from 
this  young  nation  the  most  valuable  jewel  within 
their  ancient  domain.  America  had  borrowed  from 
France  her  power  and  wealth  to  establish  the  foun 
dations  of  her  empire,  but  she  repaid  the  vast 
obligation  with  more  than  an  equivalent,  in  giving 
to  France  the  principles  of  civil  liberty,  and  in 
structing  her  in  the  knowledge  that  freedom  was 
the  first  requisite  for  public  happiness. 

Pride,  sympathy,  gratitude,  principle,  all  com 
bined  to  make  the  French  revolution  not  merely 


LIFE  OF   EL1SIUDGE   GERRY.  167 

popular  in  the  United  States,  but  ardently  and 
enthusiastically  supported  by  the  American  people. 
For  a  long  period  after  its  commencement  there 
was  probably  nothing  short  of  their  own  indepen 
dence  for  which  they  felt  a  more  zealous  concern. 
The  interest,  which  was  excited  for  the  prosperity 
of  their  ancient  allies  was  increased  by  those  still 
unsettled  feelings  of  animosity,  which  survived 
towards  their  former  foe.  There  were  resent 
ments  not  allayed,  recollections  of  past  injuries 
not  effaced,  mournful  memorials  of  the  calamities 
of  war  every  where  to  be  seen  through  the  coun 
try,  which  enlisted  their  inclinations  as  strongly 
against  one  party  as  more  generous  sentiments 
excited  them  in  favour  of  the  other,  and  led  them 
to  see  in  the  measures  of  the  Knglish  government 
against  France,  only  that  enmity  to  freedom,  which 
had  been  manifested  toward  themselves. 

The  first  check  to  that  exaggerated  gratitude, 
which  was  rapidly  hurrying  the  United  States  into 
war,  was  the  proclamation  of  neutrality  issued  by 
president  Washington  on  the  22d  day  of  April 
1793. 

That  cautious  and  intelligent  statesman,  and 
the  profound  councillors  of  his  cabinet,  well  knew 
that  the  primary  duty  of  the  American  people  was 
to  preserve  their  own  yet  unsettled  institutions. 
They  knew  the  United  States  were  in  no  condi 
tion  for  another  war.  A  government  yet  untried 
by  experience,  and  depending  for  its  permanency 


168  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

on  the  success  of  its  first  operations,  would  most 
unwisely  hazard  the  chances  of  a  new  contest. 
The  elastic  spirit  of  a  young  people,  it  was  seen, 
was  beginning  to  throw  off  the  evils  of  their  re 
cent  condition,  to  refill  their  exhausted  treasury, 
to  diminish  their  public  debt,  to  revive  their  de 
cayed  commerce,  and  to  reanimate  their  natural 
enterprise.  For  these  desirable  objects  a  few 
years  of  peace  were  indispensable,  and  the  first 
measure  of  that  wisdom,  which  then  guided  the 
affairs  of  the  nation,  was  to  counteract  the  incli 
nations  of  the  people,  until  their  calmer  judgment 
applauded  the  restraint. 

Peace  with  both  the  belligerents  and  the  ad 
vantage  of  a  neutral  attitude,  which  could  profit 
by  their  sacrifices,  became  the  pole  star  of  the 
American  government,  and  however  difficult  the 
navigation,  however  dangerous  the  adverse  winds 
and  counter  currents  of  the  voyage,  it  was  by  this 
direction  that  policy  commanded  them  to  steer. 

The  vast  objects,  which  the  United  States 
had  to  accomplish,  the  immense,  and  but  that 
they  have  been  realized,  the  incredible  advanta 
ges  of  a  neutral  character,  were  not  more  obvi 
ous  to  her  government  than,  it  was  seen  by  the 
belligerents  respectively,  would  be  to  them  an 
opposite  course.  Against  the  machinations  and 
violence  of  both  of  them,  and  the  prejudice  and 
passion  of  their  own  citizens,  this  desirable  posi 
tion  was  to  be  maintained  by  the  American  gov 
ernment. 


LIFE   OF    ELBRIDGE   GERRV.  169 

Circumstances  of  exceeding  delicacy  and  diffi 
culty  were  constantly  occurring,  which  might  lead 
immediately  to  war.  The  rulers  of  France  early 
conceived  an  opinion  that  there  was  a  necessa 
ry  opposition  between  the  people  and  their  gov 
ernment  ;  or  at  least  that  this  was  universally 
true  except  only  in  France.  The  course  of  their 
policy  as  well  as  arms  alarmed  many  of  the  most 
intelligent  of  the  American  patriots,  and  the 
predictions  and  warnings,  which  Edmund  Burke 
sounded  in  Europe,  found  among  the  reflecting 
statesmen  in  the  western  hemisphere  many  res 
ponsive  hearts. 

The  mission  of  Mr.  Genet,  the  whole  of  whose 
extravagant  diplomacy  in  this  country  might  be 
recounted  in  proof,  alarmed  still  more  the  appre 
hensions  of  impartial  men,  who  saw  that  a  popular 
attachment  to  his  country  and  its  cause  superseded 
the  regard  that  should  have  been  paid  to  the  one 
which  he  visited,  and  that  on  questions  of  national 
jurisdiction,  about  which  intelligent  men  could  not 
differ,  a  strong  feeling  often  carried  by  acclama 
tion  his  opinions  against  those  of  the  government. 

While  the  conduct  of  the  minister  of  France 
evidently  displayed  a  determination  to  appeal  from 
the  government  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  seduce  their  affections  into  a  war,  which  their 
judgment  would  not  sanction,  a  measure  of  his 
country  gave  some  appearance  of  interest  to  the 
object  of  his  wishes.  The  ports  of  the  French 

VOL.   H.  22 


170  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

colonies  were  thrown  open  to  American  commerce, 
and  the    "  hasty  credulity"   of  mercantile   enter 
prise,  lost  no  time  to  improve  the  gainful  opportu 
nity.     Whether   the   motive   for  this   act  was  to 
secure  a  commerce  to  their  own  subjects  in  neu 
tral  bottoms,  which  their  scanty  marine  could  not 
carry  on,   or  more   artfully  to  draw  the   enemies 
cruisers  on  the  rich  freights  that  would  be  present 
ed  to  their  cupidity,  and  thus  contrast  an  admira 
tion  for  their  own  generosity  with  indignation  at 
their  enemies  rapacity  ;  or  whether  it  was  in  truth 
the  evidence  of  that  friendly  spirit,  which  repub 
lics  should  feel  for   each   other,  was  at  the  time  a 
subject  of  discussion,  but  it  was   at   singular  vari 
ance  with  an  order  of   the   national    convention, 
which  allowed  French  ships  to  bring  in   for  adju 
dication    such  neutral   vessels  as  were  loaded  in 
whole  or  in  part,  either  with  provisions   destined 
for    enemy  ports,    or    merchandise    belonging    to 
enemies. 

Threats  that  were  unexecuted,  whether  from 
inability  or  good  will,  had  much  less  effect  on  the 
public  mind  than  a  liberality,  which  could  be  un 
derstood,  and  in  contrast  with  the  colonial  system 
of  other  nations  the  free  trade  to  French  colo 
nies  was  highly  appreciated.  The  denunciations 
of  their  decrees  were  hardly  felt,  but  the  mercan 
tile  advantages,  in  those  instances  which  escaped 
the  hostility  of  their  enemy,  were  fully  possessed. 
While  therefore  influential  and  leading  men  in  and 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  171 

out  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  began 
to  find  in  the  revolution,  as  it  was  proceeding  in 
France,  principles  destructive  of  liberty  and  law, 
private  property,  personal  security  and  moral  con 
duct,  the  general  feeling  of  the  public  mind 
cemented  still  stronger  the  original  attachment, 
and  by  dividing  more  distinctly  its  admirers  and 
its  enemies  increased  that  internal  hostility,  which 
threatened  the  peace  of  the  nation. 

So  long  as  the  measures  of  France  tended  even 
against  the  exertions  of  intelligent  men,  to  bring 
the  two  countries  into  a  connexion  of  a  more  in 
timate  character,  her  great  enemy,  regardless  of 
national  law  or  the  obligations  of  the  existing 
treaty,  was  accumulating  subjects  of  complaint, 
and  indemnifying  herself  for  the  loss  of  popular 
favour  by  extensive  devastations  on  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States. 

An  order  of  council,  which  when  intrusted  to 
her  powerful  navy  was  no  dead  letter  in  the  sta 
tute  book,  authorized  British  cruisers  to  stop  all 
vessels  loaded  wholly  or  hi  part  with  provisions, 
bound  to  any  port  in  France  or  occupied  by  the 
armies  of  France.  This  insane  attempt  to  starve 
a  whole  people,  which  with  as  much  insult  as  in 
justice,  was  justified  by  cited  aphorisms  from  po 
litical  WTiters,  was  enforced  by  the  indiscriminate 
destruction  of  neutral  property,  which  it  swept  as 
with  a  whirlwind  from  the  ocean.  Nor  did  even 
the  profligacy  of  the  pretence,  which  was  given  for 


172  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

it,  secure  credit  to  the  grounds  upon  which  it  was 
defended.  In  America  it  was  believed  to  be  part 
of  a  plan  for  the  subversion  of  free  governments, 
and  to  have  been  started  at  a  time  when  partial 
successes  and  the  strength  of  the  coalition  gave 
some  expectation  that  France  would  be  over 
thrown.  The  vexatious  practice  of  impressment 
added  new  fuel  to  the  flame  of  popular  animosity. 
The  detention  of  the  western  posts  in  direct  vio 
lation  of  the  treaty  of  1783,  though  justified  as  a 
retaliation  for  deficiencies  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  in  the  execution  of  the  same  com 
pact,  was  regarded  as  a  voluntary  addition  to  the 
miseries  of  an  Indian  war,  which  it  was  supposed 
to  encourage  if  not  excite,  while  the  whole  system 
of  the  English  navigation  laws  was  complained 
of  as  intentionally  severe  and  ruinous  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States. 

Other  instances  of  injustice  and  wrong  in  the 
conduct  of  the  belligerents  seemed  to  demonstrate 
that  in  their  efforts  for  mutual  injury,  no  sentiment 
of  justice  was  felt  for  neutral  rights ;  and  while 
each,  by  every  possible  art,  was  endeavouring  to 
force  the  United  States  into  a  war  with  the  other, 
the  taunting  intimation  of  one  of  them  was  in 
train  to  be  realized,  that  a  nation,  which  would  not 
fight  for  honour  would  be  obliged  to  contend  for 
existence. 

But  high  and  chivalrous  principles  better  suited 
the  spirit  of  the  people  than  the  condition  of  the 


LIFE  OF   ELBItlDGE   GERRY.  173 

country.  They  were  adapted  to  an  athletic  and 
robust  nation  rather  than  one  whose  strength  was 
yet  in  the  gristle.  If  the  policy  of  peace  must  be 
abandoned  it  would  be  well  in  selecting  an  enemy 
to  make  sure  of  a  friend. 

On  the  selection  of  that  friend  the  people  of 
the  United  States  were  greatly  divided,  while  the 
strength  of  the  popular  feeling  was  not  exactly  re 
echoed  by  the  public  functionaries.  The  French 
government,  amid  all  its  acts  of  injustice  and  inju 
ry,  affected  to  speak  with  the  United  States  as 
friends.  In  the  glowing  language,  which  marked 
their  official  despatches,  they  say,  "  An  analogy 
of  political  principles;  the  natural  relations  of  com 
merce  and  industry;  the  efforts  and  immense  sacri 
fices  of  both  nations  in  the  defence  of  liberty  and 
equality ;  the  blood,  which  they  have  spilled  to 
gether  ;  their  avowed  hatred  for  despots  ;  the  mo 
deration  of  their  political  views  ;  the  disinterest 
edness  of  their  councils  ;  and  especially  the  suc 
cess  of  the  vows  they  have  made  in  presence  of 
the  Supreme  Being  to  be  free  or  die,  all  combine 
to  render  indestructible  the  connexions,  which  they 
have  formed." 

"  Doubt  it  not  citizens,  we  shall  finally  destroy 
the  combination  of  tyrants  ;  you,  by  the  picture  of 
prosperity,  which  in  your  vast  countries  has  suc 
ceeded  to  a  bloody  struggle  of  eight  years  ;  we  by 
that  enthusiasm,  which  glows  in  the  breast  of  every 
Frenchman.  Astonished  nations,  too  long  the 


174  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

dupes  of  perfidious  kings,  nobles  and  priests,  will 
eventually  recover  their  rights,  and  the  human 
race  will  owe  to  the  American  and  French  nations 
their  regeneration  and  a  lasting  peace." 

It  was  this  very  "  analogy  of  political  princi 
ples,"  so  captivating  to  the  nation  at  large,  that 
alarmed  the  minds  of  the  administration  and  in 
duced  them  to  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  a  more 
intimate  fraternization.  The  British  government, 
on  the  contrary,  which  "  wounds  by  its  pride  and 
offends  by  its  haughtiness,"*  while  the  objects  it 
was  contending  for  were  more  congenial  to  na 
tional  security,  so  far  from  affecting  in  its  diplo 
matic  intercourse  to  secure  popular  favour,  allow 
ed  eighteen  months  to  expire  without  deigning  to 
give  an  answer  to  an  elaborate  and  profound  argu 
ment  made  by  the  American  secretary  of  statet  in 
complaint  of  the  conduct  and  principles  of  the 
government  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  United 
States. 

As  a  last  effort  to  prevent  a  war,  into  which  cir 
cumstances  were  rapidly  hurrying  the  country,  a 
special  mission,  on  16th  April  1794,  was  insti 
tuted  to  the  court  of  St.  James,  and  intrusted  to 
a  citizen  eminently  distinguished  in  the  annals  of 
the  country,  and  then  holding  the  high  office  of 
chief  justice  of  the  United  States.  At  the  request 

*  Marshall,  vol.  v.  p.  481. 

f  American  state  papers,  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Mr.  Hammond, 
29th  May  1792.  Mr.  Hammond  to  Mr.  Randolph,  21st  February 
1794, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  175 

of  the  French  government  Mr.  Morris  was  recall 
ed  from  the  republic  and  the  diplomatic  inter 
course  confided  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

The  alarm,  which  the  unexpected  nomination  of 
Mr.  Jay  produced  on  one  half  of  the  population  of 
the  United  States,  was  in  some  degree  quieted  by 
the  appointment  that  followed  to  the  government 
of  France.  The  duties  and  objects  of  the  first 
were  not  distinctly  known,  but  the  selection  of  the 
other  was  received  by  the  party  of  the  republicans 
as  evidence  of  the  president's  impartiality  ;  and  as 
each  of  those  ministers  was  known  to  carry  to  the 
court,  to  which  he  was  sent,  sentiments  that  were 
not  likely  to  obstruct  an  amicable  arrangement, 
there  was  a  calm  over  the  public  mind,  a  prelude  to 
the  storms  that  were  soon  to  confound  it,  when 
the  results  of  these  missions  should  be  announced. 

Mr.  Jay,  as  is  well  known,  concluded  the  treaty 
of  London,  which  on  its  ratification  terminated  all 
existing  causes  of  controversy  with  Great  Britain, 
and  arranged  a  new  system  of  commercial  inter 
course.  Mr.  Monroe  was  recalled  by  the  presi 
dent,  not  without  some  marks  of  dissatisfaction, 
which  his  candid  disclosures  easily  dispelled.* 

The  negotiation  of  any  treaty  with  England, 
would  no  doubt  have  increased  the  difficult ies  of 
pacification  with  France.  But  in  regard  to  this 
she  complained  that  her  faith  had  been  abused  by 

*  Monroe's  View,  &c. 


176  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

misrepresentations  and  concealment,  and  her  rights 
violated  by  sacrifices  and  concessions. 

The  instructions  under  which  Mr.  Monroe  act 
ed  were  drawn  in  conformity  to  his  well  known 
political  principles,  in  which  no  member  of  the 
senate  had  given  more  evidence  of  sincerity  or 
zeal.  He  was  instructed  to  declare  "  that  the  pre 
sident  had  been  an  early  and  decided  friend  of 
the  French  republic  ;  that  whatever  reason  there 
may  have  been  under  our  ignorance  of  facts  and 
policy  to  suspend  an  opinion  upon  some  of  its  im 
portant  transactions,  yet  that  he  was  immutable  in 
his  wishes  for  its  accomplishment,  incapable  of 
assenting  to  the  right  of  any  foreign  prince  to 
meddle  with  its  interior  arrangement,  and  per 
suaded  that  success  would  attend  its  efforts."  He 
was  directed  to  let  it  be  seen  "  that  in  case  of  war 
with  any  nation  on  earth,  we  shall  consider  France 
as  our  first  and  natural  ally,  to  dwell  upon  the 
sense  we  entertain  of  their  past  services  and  their 
more  recent  interposition  in  our  behalf  with  the 
Dey  of  Algiers,"  and  alluding  to  Mr.  Jay's  mis 
sion  to  England,  he  was  instructed  to  declare  the 
motives  of  that  mission  to  be  to  obtain  immediate 
restitution  for  our  plundered  property  and  restitu 
tion  of  the  [western]  posts. 

The  sentiments  of  the  executive  thus  commu 
nicated  to  Mr.  Monroe,  were  repeated  in  stronger 
language  by  the  two  houses  of  Congress.  The 
revolution  was  emphatically  declared  to  be  the 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRV.  177 

cause  of  liberty,  "  under  that  standard  whenever 
it  shall  be  displayed,  the  affections  of  the  United 
States  will  always  rally  ;  the  successes  of  those 
who  stand  forth  as  her  avengers  will  be  gloried  in 
by  the  United  States,  and  will  be  felt  as  the  suc 
cesses  of  themselves  and  the  other  friends  of  hu 
manity.  Yes — representatives  of  our  ally,  your 
communication  has  been  addressed  to  those  who 
take  a  deep  interest  in  the  prosperity  and  happi 
ness  of  the  French  Republic." 

With  such  instructions  from  one  department  of 
the  government,  and  a  knowledge  of  such  senti 
ments  in  the  other,  Mr.  Monroe  presented  himself 
to  the  rulers  of  France.  His  reception  was  bril 
liant  and  flattering,  and  the  conduct,  which  he 
pursued,  and  the  language,  which  he  used,  was  too 
faithful  to  his  own  principles  to  raise  a  doubt  that 
all  this  profusion  of  attachment  covered  any  thing 
deceptive. 

The  condition  of  things  in  France  was  not  with 
out  uneasiness.  The  treaty  between  the  two  re 
publics  had  been  violated.  The  commerce  of  the 
United  States  was  harassed  and  plundered.  The 
minister,  whom  Mr.  Monroe  succeeded,  was  not 
only  without  the  confidence  of  the  government, 
but  an  object  of  particular  jealousy  and  suspicion. 
The  popular  favour  towards  the  United  States  was 
diminishing  by  means  of  reports  brought  by  offi 
cers  of  the  fleet  of  unfriendly  treatment  in  Ameri 
can  ports,  and  a  suspicion  was  entertained  that 

VOL.   n.  23 


178  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  mission  of  Mr.  Jay  was  intended  to  pave  the 
way  for  an  abandonment  of  the  one  people  and  an 
alliance  with  the  other. 

By  declarations,  the  authority  for  which  were 
found  in  his  instructions,  and  with  a  zeal,  which 
had  been  announced  to  him  as  the  motive  for  his 
selection  to  the  embassy,*  the  American  minister 
succeeded  in  putting  affairs  in  good  order,  and 
began  to  accommodate  arrangements  to  his  satis 
faction,  when  the  treaty  negotiated  with  England 
was  communicated  to  the  directory,  and  produced 
as  was  to  have  been  supposed  resentment  and  in 
dignation. 

The  fact  that  a  commercial  treaty  had  been  ne 
gotiated  with  their  rival,  that  some  of  its  features 
were  in  themselves  objectionable  and  injurious, 
that  no  overtures  had  been  made  to  France  for  the 
same  objects,  that  not  only  entire  secrecy  had  been 
observed  as  to  the  pendency  of  the  negotiation, 
but  that  the  objects  and  powers  of  the  minister 
had  been  misrepresented  or  concealed,  produced 
on  the  haughty  victors  of  a  thousand  enemies,  not 
less  the  feelings  of  indignation  than  the  less  toler 
able  expression  of  disgust  and  contempt. 

While  the  cause  of  the  United  States  thus 
lost  its  popularity  in  the  eye  of  the  government 

*  Mr.  Monroe  was  informed  that  he  was  selected  "  on  account 
of  his  known  political  character  and  principles."  In  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  he  had  moved  to  suspend  the  fourth  article 
of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  of  1783. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  179 

of  France,  with  singular  adroitness  it  saw  fit  to 
discriminate  between  the  administration  and  its 
minister,  whom  it  exonerated  from  the  suspi 
cion  even  of  intentional  deception.  Falling  in 
with  the  declarations  of  the  party  in  the  United 
States  to  which  he  belonged,  and  adopting  the 
language  of  its  public  journals,  the  directory  chose 
to  consider  the  American  minister  as  much  de 
ceived  as  themselves.  Craftily  pursuing  their  de 
sign  to  separate  the  people  from  the  government, 
they  affected  to  believe  that  this  treaty  was  an 
other  evidence  of  the  combination  of  rulers  against 
the  defenders  of  the  rights  of  man. 

The  sensibility  of  the  French  government  was 
not  realized  by  that  of  the  United  States.  Be 
lieving  as  they  declared,  that  an  independent  na 
tion  might  conduct  its  diplomacy  without  the  ad 
vice  or  permission  of  other  powers,  and  that  in  the 
treaty  with  England  they  had  exercised  only  their 
unquestionable  rights,  they  did  not  admit  that 
France  had  any  just  cause  of  complaint ;  and  hav 
ing  secured  by  it  so  much  of  their  cardinal  policy 
as  preserved  peace  with  one  of  the  belligerents, 
an  attempt  was  to  be  made  to  complete  the  desir 
able  object  by  a  new  effort  with  the  other. 

Mr.  Monroe  was  recalled,  and  Charles  C.  Pinck- 
ney  of  South  Carolina,  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

If  the  causes  for  Mr.  Monroe's  selection  were 
complimentary  to  France  or  useful  to  his  own 
country,  the  want  of  similar  qualifications  in  his 


180  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

successor,  denoted  either  a  diminution  of  that 
civility  or  an  opinion  that  it  did  not  produce  its 
expected  consequences.  In  the  domestic  parties 
of  the  country  these  gentlemen  were  under  differ 
ent  banners. 

Mr.  Monroe's  departure  from  the  French  capital 
was  as  brilliant  as  his  reception.  An  audience  of 
leave  was  accorded  to  him,  and  in  answer  to  his 
address  the  most  flattering  testimonials  of  respect 
was  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  president  director. 
Unfortunately  the  speech  of  B arras  on  that  occa 
sion,  and  the  commentary  made  on  it  by  the  ex 
ecutive  of  the  United  States,  gave  new  occasion 
for  umbrage  and  increased  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  amicable  accommodation.* 

*  Speech  of  the  president  director  Barras. 

"  By  presenting  to  day  the  letters  of  recall  to  the  executive  di 
rectory,  you  gave  to  Europe  a  very  strange  spectacle. 

France  rich  in  her  liberty,  surrounded  by  a  train  of  victories, 
strong  in  the  esteem  of  her  allies,  will  not  abase  herself  by  cal 
culating  the  consequences  of  the  condescension  of  the  American 
government  to  the  suggestions  of  her  former  tyrants.  Moreover 
the  French  republic  hopes  that  the  successors  of  Columbus,  Ra 
leigh  and  Penn,  always  proud  of  liberty,  will  never  forget  that 
they  owe  it  to  France.  They  will  weigh  in  their  wisdom  the 
magnanimous  benevolence  of  the  French  people  with  the  crafty 
caresses  of  certain  perfidious  persons  who  meditate  bringing  them 
back  to  their  former  slavery.  Assure  the  good  American  people 
sir,  that  like  them  we  adore  liberty,  that  they  will  always  have 
our  esteem,  and  that  they  will  find  in  the  French  people  repub 
lican  generosity,  which  knows  how  to  grant  peace  as  it  does  to 
cause  its  sovereignty  to  be  respected.  As  for  you,  Mr.  minister 
plenipotentiary,  you  have  combatted  for  principles.  You  have 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  181 

The  recall  of  Mr.  Monroe  was  followed  by  the 
refusal  of  the  directory  to  receive  Mr.  Pinckney, 
and  a  declaration  "  that  they  would  no  longer  re 
cognise  or  receive  a  minister  plenipotentiary  from 
the  United  States,  until  after  the  reparation  of  the 
grievances  demanded  of  the  American  government, 
which  the  French  republic  has  a  right  to  expect." 

In  the  preceding  November,  the  French  minis 
ter  in  the  United  States  announced  the  termina 
tion  of  his  functions,  and  in  an  address  nominally 
to  the  secretary  of  state,  but  in  reality  to  the  peo- 

known  the  true  interests  of  your  country.  Depart  with  our  re 
gret.  In  you  we  give  up  a  representative  to  America,  and  retain 
the  remembrance  of  the  citizen  whose  personal  qualities  did 
honour  to  that  title." 

Speech  of  president  Adams. 

"  With  this  conduct  of  the  French  government,  it  will  be  pro 
per  to  take  into  view  the  public  audience  given  to  the  late  min 
ister  of  the  United  States  on  his  taking  leave  of  the  executive 
directory.  The  speech  of  the  president  discloses  sentiments 
more  alarming  than  the  refusal  of  a  minister  because  more  dan 
gerous  to  our  independence  and  union,  and  at  the  same  time 
studiously  marked  with  indignities  towards  the  government  of 
the  United  States.  It  evinces  a  disposition  to  separate  the  people 
of  the  United  States  from  the  government ;  to  persuade  them 
that  they  have  different  affections,  principles  and  interests,  from 
those  of  their  fellow  citizens  whom  they  themselves  have  chosen 
to  manage  their  common  concerns,  and  thus  to  produce  divisions 
fatal  to  our  peace.  Such  attempts  ought  to  be  repelled  with  a 
decision  that  shall  convince  France  and  the  world  that  we  are 
not  a  degraded  people,  humiliated  under  a  colonial  spirit  of  fear 
and  sense  of  inferiority,  fitted  to  be  the  miserable  instruments  of 
foreign  influence,  and  regardless  of  national  honour,  character 
and  interest." 


182  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

pie,  encouraged  the  idea,  which  seemed  to  be  the 
leading  principle  of  his  country's  policy,  that  the 
functionaries  of  the  American  government  and  the 
party  who  supported  them  entertained  principles 
and  feelings  hostile  to  the  French  cause,  and  were 
desirous,  notwithstanding  all  their  pretensions  to 
the  contrary,  to  involve  the  two  nations  in  war. 

The  irritable  state  of  feeling,  which  existed  be 
tween  the  countries,  the  belief,  which  a  large  party 
in  the  United  States  honestly  professed,  that  in 
the  conduct  of  affairs  with  the  French  republic 
the  government  of  the  United  States  had  been 
unwise  and  insincere,  and  the  use,  which  that  na 
tion  made  of  this  division  of  opinion  to  embarrass 
the  American  government,  were  if  no  other  causes 
existed,  formidable  obstacles  to  a  continuance  of 
peace.  But  the  collisions  of  interest  or  force  had 
accumulated  a  vast  mass  of  serious  complaint. 

On  the  part  of  France  it  was  alleged  that  the 
treaty  of  Paris  was  infringed  because  prizes  made 
by  French  vessels  of  war  were  not  allowed  to  be 
adjudicated  upon  in  American  ports  by  the  consular 
agents  of  the  republic. 

That  English  vessels  of  war,  which  had  made 
prizes  on  the  republic  or  its  citizens  were  not  ex 
cluded  from  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  as  by 
the  17th  article  of  the  same  treaty  they  should 
have  been. 

That  the  consular  convention  had  become  illu 
sory  from  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  of  its 
execution  by  the  American  government. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  183 

That  an  attack  had  been  made  by  a  British  ves 
sel  of  war  on  a  public  vessel  of  France  within  the 
waters  of  the  United  States  with  intention  to  seize 
the  person  and  papers  of  the  French  minister  to 
the  United  States,  supposed  to  have  been  on  board, 
and  that  this  gross  invasion  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  United  States  so  injurious  to  France  had  been 
passed  over  with  impunity. 

But  all  other  causes  of  complaint  lost  their  im 
portance  in  comparison  with  those,  which  were 
connected  with  the  late  treaty  of  London. 

"  The  United  States,"  said  the  French  minister, 
"  besides  having  departed  from  the  principles  of 
the  armed  neutrality  during  the  war  for  their  in 
dependence,  have  given  to  England  to  the  detri 
ment  of  their  first  allies,  the  most  striking  marks 
of  an  unbounded  condescension  by  abandoning  the 
limit  given  to  contraband  by  the  law  of  nations, 
by  their  treaties  with  all  other  nations,  and  even 
by  those  of  England,  with  a  greater  part  of  the 
maritime  powers.  Is  it  not  evidently  estraying 
from  the  principles  of  neutrality  to  sacrifice  exclu 
sively  to  that  power  the  objects  proper  for  the 
equipment  and  construction  of  vessels  ?  They 
have  gone  further.  They  have  consented  to  ex 
tend  the  denomination  of  contraband  even  to  pro 
visions."* 

*  Such  answers  as  the  American  government  could  give  to 
these  complaints  were  ably  stated  in  the  letters  of  Mr.  Monroe 
to  the  French  minister.  The  administration  by  recalling  him 
intimated  to  the  American  people  that  the  displeasure  of  France 


184  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

On  the  other  side  of  this  account  current  of  in 
justice  and  wrong,  the  Americans  presented  the 
frightful  system  of  hostility,  which  under  one  or 
another  decree  of  the  national  convention  let  loose 
on  their  defenceless  commerce  the  whole  French 
marine,  and  the  profligacy  and  notorious  corrup 
tion  of  their  judicial  tribunals,  which  consumma 
ted  by  chicanery  and  fraud  what  rapacity  and  pira 
cy  even  had  subdued. 

A  distressing  embargo  had  been  laid  on  their 
property  and  seamen  at  Bordeaux. 

Bills  and  other  evidence  of  debt,  given  by  the 
colonial  government  in  the  West  Indies,  were  un 
paid  and  merchandise  taken  for  public  use  was  ap 
propriated  without  compensation. 

To  all  this  was  added  the  alleged  attempt  to  sow 
distrust  and  division  between  the  government  and 
people,  and  to  destroy  by  their  arts  what  escaped 
the  power  of  their  arms. 

In  a  review  of  these  discouraging  circumstan 
ces,  Mr.  Adams  determined  "  to  institute  a  fresh 
attempt  at  negotiation ;"  certain  if  it  succeeded, 
to  secure  a  most  favourable  position  for  his  country, 
and  confident  if  it  failed  through  the  obstinacy  or 

was  owing  less  to  the  existence  of  good  cause  than  to  his  neglect 
in  not  making  satisfactory  explanations.  The  publication  of  his 
correspondence  restored  him  to  the  favour  of  his  country,  by 
completely  disapproving  the  suggestion,  and  the  secretary  of 
state  did  not  escape  the  odium  of  that  intentional  duplicity,  which 
charge'd  on  an  agent  of  the  government  the  consequences  justly 
attributable  to  the  government  itself. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  185 

wilfulness  of  France,  to  draw  to  his  standard  that 
great  body  of  his  fellow  citizens,  who  though 
opprobriously  stigmatized  in  his  cabinet,  he  well 
knew  to  be  Americans  at  heart. 

It  was  probably  beyond  the  range  of  intelligence 
or  ingenuity  to  carry  on  negotiations  with  each 
belligerent  in  a  manner  that  would  subserve  the 
real  interests  of  the  United  States,  without  giving 
plausible  if  not  substantial  cause  of  complaint  to 
one  or  both.  The. executive  might  indeed  have 
selected  its  ally  and  bid  its  will  avouch  it,  but 
policy  adopted  a  different  language. 

—  Yet  I  must  not 

For  certain  friends  that  arc  botli  his  and  mine, 
Whoso  loves  I  may  not  drop. 

When  therefore  the  determination  was  settled 
to  make  the  first  experiment  with  Great  Britain, 
the  delicacy  of  the  relation  to  France  became 
every  day  more  attenuated. 

The  departure  of  Mr.  Jay  for  the  court  of  St. 
James  was  a  public  act,  which  as  it  could  not  be 
concealed,  it  was  obviously  politic,  to  announce 
with  the  appearance  of  candour,  but  the  very  com 
munication  of  this  fact  gave  new  cause  for  disa 
greement.  The  French  minister,  Mr.  Fauchet, 
insisted  that  he  was  told  the  mission  contemplated 
only  an  adjustment  of  our  (American)  complaints, 
excluding  all  commercial  arrangements.  The  sec 
retary  denied  that  he  said  more  than  to  assure 

VOL.  n.  21 


186  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

him,  "  Mr.  Jay  was  instructed  not  to  weaken  our 
engagements  with  France." 

It  is  not  now  necessary  to  discuss  the  question 
whether  a  commercial  treaty  with  England  would 
not  ipso  facto  weaken  our  engagements  with 
France ;  nor  whether  the  stipulations  in  the  treaty 
of  London  could  be  executed  without  such  conse 
quence  ;  or  however  these  might  be,  whether 
when  a  minister  had  been  directed  to  negotiate 
a  commercial  treaty,  the  admitted  language  of  the 
secretary  was  any  thing  else  than  equivocation,  to 
conceal  the  real  design. 

The  intimacy  of  the  connexion  between  France 
and  the  United  States,  if  weakened  by  recent 
causes  of  complaint,  treaties  and  popular  feeling 
still  supposed  to  exist;  and  it  therefore  required,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  former,  as  evidence  of  the  sin 
cerity  of  the  latter,  that  a  frank  and  full  disclo 
sure  of  its  intentions  should  be  made  ;  and  some 
countenance  is  undesignedly  given  to  this  expecta 
tion  by  the  fact,  that  before  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty  a  communication  of  some  kind  was  made  to 
the  French  minister,  and  before  its  ratification  the 
treaty  was  submitted  to  him  for  his  commentaries 
and  opinion. 

France  thereupon  complains,  "  It  was  a  little 
matter  only  to  allow  the  English  to  avail  them 
selves  of  the  advantages  of  our  treaty,  it  was  ne 
cessary  to  assure  these  to  them  by  the  means  of  a 
contract,  which  might  serve  at  once  as  a  reply  to 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  187 

the  claims  of  France  and  as  peremptory  motives 
for  refusals,  the  true  motive  of  which  it  was  re 
quisite  incessantly  to  disguise  to  her  under  spe 
cious  pretexts.  Such  was  the  object  of  Mr.  Jay's 
mission  to  London,  such  was  the  object  of  a  ne 
gotiation  enveloped  from  its  origin  in  the  shadow 
of  mystery  and  covered  with  the  veil  of  dissimu 
lation."*  ' 

The  American  answer  maintains  that  the  right 
to  form  these  treaties  has  been  so  universally 
asserted  and  admitted  that  it  seems  to  be  the  in 
separable  attribute  of  sovereignty,  to  be  question 
ed  only  by  those  who  question  the  right  of  a 
nation  to  govern  itself,  and  to  be  ceded  only  by 
those  who  are  prepared  to  cede  their  independence. 

The  complaint  as  to  what  should  not  be  done  in 
a  specific  case  is  thus  answered  by  an  allegation 
of  abstract  right.  Hence  the  replication  of  the 
French  minister  in  very  strong  terms.  "  When 
the  agents  of  the  republic  complained  of  this  mys 
terious  conduct,  they  were  answered  by  an  appeal 
to  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  solemnly 
sanctioned  in  the  treaties  of  1778 — a  strange 
manner  of  contesting  a  grievance,  the  reality  of 
which  was  demonstrated  by  the  dissimulation,  to 
which  recourse  was  had — an  insidious  subterfuge, 
which  substitutes  for  the  true  point  of  the  ques 
tion  a  general  principle,  which  the  republic  can- 

*  Mons.  Adct  to  secretary  of  state. 


188  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

not  be  supposed  to  dispute,  and  which  destroys  by 
aid  of  a  sophism  that  intimate  confidence,  which 
ought  to  exist  between  two  allies,  and  which 
above  all  ought  to  exist  between  the  French  re 
public  and  the  United  States." 

Again  the  French  government  complained  of  the 
abusive  language  of  certain  public  journals  of  the 
United  States,  and  were  answered  with  the  abstract 
propositions  that  "  the  genius  of  the  constitution 
and  the  opinion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
cannot  be  overruled  by  those  who  administer  the 
government,"  and  "  that  among  those  deemed 
most  sacred  is  the  liberty  of  the  press." 

Now  the  real  subject  of  complaint  was  not  that 
the  administration  did  not  put  down  these  offen 
sive  journals  by  force  of  law,  but  that  they  were 
known  to  encourage  them  by  personal  patronage, 
and  thus  under  colour  of  a  professed  inability  to 
control  the  public  press,  aided  and  abetted  its  con 
ductors  in  disseminating  opinions  injurious  to  the 
cause  of  France. 

The  French  minister  further  commenting  on  the 
insincerity  of  the  American  government,  alleges 
that  it  was  thought  proper  to  send  to  the  French 
republic  persons  whose  opinions  and  connexions 
are  too  well  known  to  hope  from  them  dispositions 
sincerely  conciliatory,  and  contrasts  that  conduct 
with  the  eagerness  to  send  to  London  ministers 
well  known  for  sentiments  corresponding  with  the 
object  of  their  mission. 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY,  189 

Stripped  of  the  thin  veil,  which  diplomatic 
forms  throw  on  this  subject,  the  French  minister 
asserts,  "  The  people  of  the  United  States  are 
divided  into  two  great  parties,  differing  in  their 
views  of  the  correct  policy  of  the  country.  One 
of  these  is  desirous  of  a  more  intimate  union  with 
England,  the  other  with  France.  In  negotiations 
with  the  former  power  the  compliment  of  select 
ing  negotiators  from  the  party,  which  deemed  its 
duty  to  the  United  States  to  consist  in  friendship 
with  England,  was  paid  to  her,  and  the  conse 
quence  was  successful  negotiation.  No  such  com 
pliment  is  paid  to  France  and  no  such  consequence 
can  ensue." 

The  Americans  could  only  reaffirm  their  concili 
atory  temper  without  denying  the  facts,  from 
which  a  diilerent  conclusion  had  been  drawn. 


190  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

History  of  the  joint  mission  of  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall  and 

Gerry,  to  the  French,  republic. Messrs.  Marshall  and  Pinckney 

leave  France Mr.  Gerry  remains His  conduct. 

THE  American  envoys  met  in  Paris  on  the  4th 
October  1797,  and  the  next  day  announced  their 
arrival  to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  assuring 
him  that  the  United  States  were  desirous  of  ter 
minating  all  differences  between  themselves  and 
the  French  republic,  and  of  restoring  that  harmony 
and  good  understanding,  and  that  commercial  and 
friendly  intercourse,  which  from  the  commence 
ment  of  their  political  existence  until  lately  had 
happily  subsisted  ;  and  that  the  president  had  ap 
pointed  them  jointly  and  severally  envoys  extraor 
dinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  to  the  French 
republic,  for  the  purpose  of  accomplishing  these 
great  objects.  They  requested  an  opportunity  to 
present  their  letter  of  credence,  and  assured  him 
of  their  ardent  desire  for  the  speedy  restoration  of 
harmony  and  friendship  between  the  two  repub 
lics. 

On  the  8th  the  envoys  had  an  interview  with 
the  minister  of  foreign  relations.  The  letter  of 
credence  was  delivered  and  cards  of  hospitality 
received.  They  were  informed  that  "  the  direc- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  191 

tory  had  directed  the  minister  to  make  a  report 
relative  to  the  situation  of  the  United  States  with 
regard  to  France,  which  would  be  finished  in  a 
few  days,  when  he  would  let  them  know  what 
steps  were  to  follow." 

In  a  day  or  two  the  private  and  confidential 
secretary  of  the  minister  intimated  to  the  private 
secretary  of  one  of  the  envoys,  that  the  directory 
were  exasperated  at  some  parts  of  the  president's 
speech  at  the  opening  of  the  last  session  of  con 
gress,  and  would  require  an  explanation  ;  that  the 
envoys  would  probably  not  have  a  public  audience 
until  their  negotiation  was  finished,  that  persons 
might  be  appointed  to  treat  with  them,  who  would 
report  to  the  minister,  and  he  would  have  the  di 
rection,  though  not  actually  the  conducting  of  the 


negotiations. 


This  communication,  circuitous  and  informal 
enough,  paved  the  way  for  subsequent  measures 
equally  singular  and  extraordinary. 

A  gentleman  of  respectability  privately  inform 
ed  general  Pinckney,  that  another  person  whom 
he  could  introduce,  would  suggest  a  plan  for  ac 
commodation  at  the  instance  of  Mons.  Talleyrand, 
which  if  proposed  to  him  by  the  American  envoys, 
would  undoubtedly  facilitate  negotiations. 

After  much  unofficial  parade  and  affectation  of 
secrecy,  the  envoys,  who  found  no  authorized  and 
ostensible  agent  of  the  republic  to  discourse  with, 
were  introduced  to  these  anonymous  personages. 


192  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

The  substance  of  the  propositions  thereupon  sub 
mitted  to  them  was,  that  the  envoys  should  pro 
pose  to  give  a  softening  turn  to  some  parts  of  the 
president's  speech,  should  advance  under  cover  of 
a  masked  loan  some  millions  of  dollars  for  the 
French  treasury,  and  in  addition  to  this  substan 
tial  part  of  the  treaty,  should  "  address  themselves 
to  the  private  gratification  of  certain  high  officers 
of  government,  by  compliance  with  diplomatic 
usage,"  which  being  interpreted  was  understood 
to  mean,  supply  a  fund  of  fifty  thousand  pounds 
sterling  for  distribution  to  prominent  individuals. 
To  induce  the  envoys  as  of  their  own  accord  to 
make  these  propositions,  the  haughty  temper  and  ir 
ritable  feeling  of  the  directory  towards  the  United 
States  were  adverted  to,  and  the  friendly  exertion 
of  Mons.  Talleyrand  under  such  a  stimulus,  was 
promised  in  their  behalf;  an  exertion,  which  his 
late  successful  diplomacy  with  the  emperor,  it  was 
said,  enabled  him  to  make  with  advantage.  The 
power  of  France  was  displayed  in  all  its  greatness. 
A  war  in  the  north  against  England  was  prepar 
ing.  On  the  coast  an  army  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men,  directed  by  the  genius  of  Bo 
naparte,  would  invade  England,  and  overturn  its 
government ;  or  if  not  adequate  to  this  result,  the 
alarm  spread  through  the  nation,  and  the  enormous 
expenses  consequent  upon  it  would  as  certainly 
effect  its  ruin,  unless  prevented  by  an  humiliating 
peace. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  193 

In  such  an  event,  which  was  more  than  merely 
probable,  what,  it  was  asked,  would  be  the  dif 
ference  in  the  situation  of  the  United  States,  if 
they  were  at  peace  or  war  with  France  ? 

In  the  former  case  the  commerce  of  the  world 
would  flow  into  their  channels,  relieved  from  the 
exactions  of  England ;  in  the  latter  the  fate  of 
Venice  might  forewarn  them  of  their  own.  It  was 
urged  that  in  the  present  condition  of  France,  vast 
advantages  would  result  to  the  United  States  from 
delay,  which  was  in  eflect  to  gain  their  cause,  and 
that  policy  required  they  should  make  any  arrange 
ment  not  absolutely  extravagant. 

A  more  direct  attempt  was  made  on  the  fears 
of  the  envoys.  Perhaps  you  think,  they  were  told, 
that  in  returning  and  exposing  to  your  countrymen 
the  unreasonableness  of  the  demands  of  this  gov 
ernment  you  will  unite  them  in  resistance.  You 
arc  mistaken.  You  ought  to  know  that  the  diplo 
matic  skill  of  France  and  the  means  she  possesses 
in  your  country,  are  sufficient  to  enable  her  with 
the  French  party  in  America,  to  throw  the  blame, 
which  will  attend  the  rupture  of  the  negotiations, 
on  the  federalists  as  you  term  yourselves  ;  on  the 
British  faction  as  that  class  of  your  citizens  are 
termed  by  France.  You  may  assure  yourselves 
this  will  bo  done. 

Such  was   the   language  of  those   unaccredited 

o          O 

and  nameless  individuals,  who  either  with  or  with 
out   authority   found   their   way   to    the    drawing 
VOL.   ii.  25 


194  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

room  and  the  breakfast  table  of  the  American  en 
voys  ;  and  they  having  no  other  individuals  with 
whom  to  discuss  the  relations  of  the  two  coun 
tries,  condescended  to  hear  them. 

The  answer  of  the  envoys  was  delivered  with  a 
frankness  suited  to  the  purity  of  their  character. 
They  unanimously  resolved  not  to  purchase  the 
right  of  negotiation.  If  negotiations  were  opened, 
they  professed  a  willingness  to  discuss  any  propo 
sition  made  by  the  French  government ;  if  it  ex 
ceeded  their  powers,  they  were  ready,  they  said, 
to  consult  with  all  practicable  expedition  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States.  They  expressed 
their  readiness,  if  the  difficulties  attending  the 
proposition  for  a  loan,  and  the  embarrassments  in 
cident  to  a  reclamation  for  illegal  depredations  on 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States  should  retard 
an  immediate  completion  of  a  treaty,  to  postpone 
these  important  subjects  for  future  discussion,  arid 
place  the  present  relations  of  the  two  nations  on 
an  amicable  basis.  They  asserted  the  early  and 
invariable  attachment  of  the  United  States  to  re 
publican  France,  and  proposed  to  discuss  any 
measures,  \vhich  had  given  her  offence,  in  the  con 
fidence  of  being  able  to  make  satisfactory  explana 
tions.  On  the  advantages  of  neutrality,  they  said 
it  was  unnecessary  to  dilate.  All  the  efforts  of 
their  government  had  been  exerted  to  maintain  it. 
Referring  to  other  suggestions,  the  envoys  remark 
ed,  that  America  had  never  contemplated  a  politi- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  195 

cal  connexion  with  Great  Britain  ;  whether  the 
reputed  danger  of  that  government  was  real  or  not 
they  could  not  decide,  but  it  was  evident  to  them 
that  both  the  belligerents  had  much  reason  to  wish 
for  peace.  They  declared  their  conviction  that 
France  miscalculated  on  the  state  of  parties  in 
America ;  that  her  extreme  injustice  would  unite 
all  parties  against  her,  and  produce  a  common  sen 
timent  of  hostility  so  soon  as  it  should  be  ascer 
tained  that  to  past  injuries,  which  she  would  not 
redress,  were  added  new  wrongs  aggravated  by 
contempt. 

They  complained  of  the  embarassment  of  their 
condition.  They  were  called  to  pledge  their  coun 
try  to  a  great  amount,  for  demands  as  extravagant 
as  unexpected,  without  discussing  the  justice  or 
the  policy,  on  which  they  were  founded  ;  without 
assurance  that  they  were  not  preliminaries  to  much 
greater  yet  concealed;  without  any  promise  that 
the  rights  of  their  country  would  thereafter  be  re 
spected,  and  without  a  document  to  prove  that 
persons  to  whom  they  were  required  to  unbosom 
themselves,  were  empowered  even  by  the  minis 
ter,  much  less  by  the  directory,  to  hold  any  con 
versation  with  them. 

On  the  21st  October  Mr.  Gerry  proposed  to  his 
colleagues  to  adopt  the  following  resolution. 

To  the  question,  whether  the  propositions  in 
formally  and  confidentially  communicated  to  us  as 
private  citizens,  at  the  request,  as  is  stated  of  Mons, 


196  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Talleyrand  in  his  private  capacity,  will  be  adopt 
ed  as  the  basis  of  a  treaty,  this  answer  is  given, 
that  it  is  highly  probable  some  of  the  propositions 
communicated  on  19th  and  20th  October  will  be 
considered  as  the  basis  of  a  treaty  and  others  as 
inadmissible,  but  that  it  is  impossible  to  discuss  or 
come  to  a  decision  on  them  until  they  are  pre 
sented  to  us  in  an  official  character. 

The  original  of  this  note  is  endorsed  "  intended 
to  be  given  Saturday,  21st  October."*  The  en 
dorsement  is  in  general  Pinckney's  handwriting.f 

On  3d  November  the  envoys  relate  that  they 
told  one  of  these  intrusive  messengers  that  they 
should  at  any  time  be  glad  to  see  him  as  a  private 
citizen,  but  "  that  they  had  determined  to  receive 
no  propositions,  unless  the  persons  who  bore  them 
had  acknowledged  authority  to  treat."  Neverthe 
less,  either  as  private  citizens,  or  in  some  other 
capacity,  the  anonymous  gentlemen  were  received 
by  the  envoys ;  their  conversation  was  noted  in  the 
private  journal  of  Mr.  Marshall,  and  the  transcript 
of  that  journal  communicated  to  the  American 
government  as  late  as  the  17th  December. 

For  a  long  period  the  American  embassy  had 
contented  itself  with  listening  to  unaccredited 
agents,  without  seeking  such  interviews  with  the 
minister  himself,  as  might,  under  ordinary  circum 
stances  lead  to  mutual  good  understanding. 

*  Mr.  Gerry's  MS.  papers. 

f  Mr.  Gerry's  letter  to  president  Jefferson,  MS.  13th  January 
1801. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  197 

On  the  22d  October  it  was  intimated  to  Mr. 
Gerry  that  the  minister  had  expected  to  have  seen 
the  American  envoys,  and  to  have  conferred  with 
them  individually  on  the  affairs  of  their  mission, 
and  had  authorized  this  communication  to  be  made 
to  him.  Mr.  Gerry  sent  for  his  colleagues,  and 
general  Pinckney  and  general  Marshall  expressed 
their  opinion,  that  not  being  acquainted  with  M. 
Talleyrand  they  could  not  with  propriety  call  on 
him,  but  that  according  to  the  custom  of  France 
he  might  expect  this  of  Mr.  Gerry,  from  a  pre-1 
vious  acquaintance  in  America.  With  this  perj 
sonal  selection  Mr.  Gerry  " reluctantly  complied,"* 
and  several  interviews  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
civility  were  had  between  them,  in  which,  as  the 
most  interesting  topic  of  the  day,  certainly  one 
most  interesting  to  his  visitor,  M.  Talleyrand  oc 
casionally  discussed  the  relations  of  France  and 
the  United  States. 

Meanwhile  thirty  days  had  elapsed  and  no  com 
munication  in  writing  was  received  from  the  direc 
tory  or  its  officers.  It  was  proposed  therefore  by 
one  of  the  envoys  to  address  to  the  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  an  official  note,  calling  his  attention 
to  their  situation,  and  demanding  that  steps  should 
be  taken  to  open  negotiations. 

Proper  as  this  measure  would  be  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  it  seemed  to  Mr.  Gerry  that  in  the 
present  irritable  state  of  the  French  government, 

*  Envoys'  letter  of  8th  November  1797,  American  state  papers 
vol.  iii.  p.  495,  2d  edition. 


198  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

no  good  could  be  expected  by  it ;  that  any  urgency 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans  would  serve  rather 
to  exasperate  than  to  reconcile ;  and  he  proposed 
therefore  that  communications  in  cypher  should  be 
made  to  their  own  government,  describing  in  de 
tail  their  present  situation.  The  delay  this  would 
occasion  did  not  seem  to  him  a  sufficient  objection 
to  it,  inasmuch  as  it  was  not  proposed  by  the 
envoys  to  quit  Paris  ;  and  the  American  govern 
ment,  by  a  timely  knowledge  of  affairs,  would  be 
better  able  to  select  such  alternative  as  was  pre 
sented.  The  personal  observation,  which  even  his 
limited  intercourse  with  the  minister  had  afforded, 
enabled  him  to  speak  with  more  confidence  on  this 
point.  * 

This  first  disagreement  among  the  envoys  was 
not  of  serious  consequence.  Mr.  Gerry,  at  their 
request,  without  yielding  the  opinion  he  advanced, 
that  the  letter  would  be  useless,  joined  in  one 
under  date  of  llth  November,  in  which  the  en 
voys  remind  the  minister  of  the  promised  com 
munication,  they  had  anxiously  but  in  vain  ex- 

*  Mr.  Pickering,  in  his  review  p.  117,  in  stating  this  fact  adds 
also  that  Mr.  Gerry  proposed  to  have  "six  copies  made  out  and 
transmitted  to  his  government."  The  perils  of  navigation,  which 
then  obstructed  the  ocean  are  in  a  great  degree  forgotten,  and 
the  readers  of  the  review  would  be  astonished  at  the  folly  of  a 
pretence,  which  it  is  more  than  insinuated  was  a  contrivance 
to  waste  time.  Yet  Mr.  Pickering's  own  despatches  to  the 
envoys  were  transmitted  in  the  same  number  of  sets,  and  "one  by 
a  despatch  boat  sent  on  purpose."  American  state  papers,  vol. 
iv.  p.  153, 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY,  199 

pected  to  receive  ;  they  repeat  that  the  preser 
vation  of  friendship  with  France  was  dear  to  the 
American  nation,  the  loss  of  it  a  subject  of  un 
feigned  regret,  and  that  the  recovery  of  it  by 
every  means,  which  consist  with  the  rights  of  an 
independent  nation  engages  their  constant  atten 
tion  ;  that  the  president  of  the  United  States  had 
given  it  in  charge  to  the  envoys  to  discuss  candidly 
the  complaints  of  France,  to  offer  frankly  those  of 
the  United  States,  and  to  review  and  alter  existing 
treaties,  so  as  to  consist  with  the  mutual  interest 
and  satisfaction  of  the  contracting  parties  ;  that 
they  were  anxious  to  commence  this  task  and 
would  be  truly  happy  to  restore  that  harmony, 
which  it  was  their  wish  as  well  as  duty,  if  possible 
to  effect  between  the  citizens  of  the  two  repub 
lics.  To  this  letter  no  answer  was  returned.  The 
envoys  were  given  to  understand  that  it  had  been 
laid  before  the  executive  directory,  who  would 
command  their  minister  what  steps  to  pursue. 

Previous  to  the  writing  of  this  letter,  the  en 
voys  addressed  to  their  government  a  minute  ac 
count  of  all  their  discourse  with  informal  agents, 
"  in  thirty-six  quarto  pages  of  cypher  and  eight 
pages  of  cyphered  exhibits." 

At  the  first  interview  between  Mr.  Gerry  and 
the  French  minister,  at  which  the  other  two 
envoys,  "  because  they  were  not  acquainted  with 
Mons.  Talleyrand,"  had  refused  to  be  present, 
that  minister  distinctly  stated  that  the  directory 


200  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

had  determined  not  to  treat  with  the  envoys,  un 
less  they  previously  made  reparation  for  some 
parts  of  the  president's  speech  at  the  opening  of 
congress,  that  an  arrette  declaratory  of  this  inten 
tion  would  be  communicated  in  a  few  days  ;  but 
if  the  envoys  had  any  propositions  to  offer,  he 
would  with  alacrity  communicate  them  to  the 
directory  ;  that  considering  the  circumstances  and 
services  of  the  same  kind,  which  France  had  for 
merly  rendered  to  the  United  States,  the  best  way 
for  them  would  be  to  offer  to  make  a  loan  to 
France,  either  by  taking  Batavian  inscriptions  for 
fifteen  or  sixteen  millions  of  florins  or  in  some 
other  way,  which  might  be  devised. 

The  good  effect  of  this  waiver  of  etiquette,  if 
indeed  any  of  the  artificial  forms  of  private  society 
could  exist  between  important  official  functionaries 
in  such  a  situation,  was  thus  distinctly  seen.  Two 
independent  facts  were  learned  with  formality, 
precision  and  authority.  First,  that  no  treaty 
would  be  made  with  the  envoys  without  an  apo 
logy  for  the  president's  speech  or  an  equivalent. 
Second,  that  a  voluntary  offer  of  a  loan  would  be 
accepted  as  an  equivalent. 

Mr.  Gerry  on  his  return  communicated  these 
facts  to  his  colleagues.  Their  consultation  upon 
them  resulted  in  desiring  one  of  those  mysterious 
prolocutors,  who  still  attended  them,  to  inform 
Mons.  Talleyrand  in  substance  that  neither  would 
be  accepted. 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  201 

Iii  consequence  of  the  visit  made  by  Mr.  Gerry 
to  Mons.  Talleyrand,  the  latter  invited  the  former 
to  one  of  his  customary  dinners  ;  the  civility  was 
returned  by  the  American,  and  something  like  an 
intercourse  that  might  give  opportunity  for  concil 
iatory  arrangements  might  have  been  effected,  but 
the  separation  of  one  gentleman  from  his  colleagues 
placed  them  all  in  so  unpleasant  a  situation,  that 
it  was  impossible  he  could  consent  to  continue  it. 
The  minister's  personal  attentions,  with  a  single 
exception,  were  afterwards  declined,  and  affairs 
were  left  to  the  ordinary  chance  of  official  and 
diplomatic  procedure. 

The  letter  of  1 1th  November  remained  without 
answer,  and  on  the  2-Hh  December  the  envoys 
reported  to  their  government  their  opinion,  that  if 
they  were  to  wait  six  months  longer,  without  they 
stipulated  the  payment  of  money  and  a  great  deal 
of  it,  in  some  shape  or  other,  thry  would  not  be 
able  to  accomplish  the  objects  of  their  mission, 
even  if  they  were  officially  received,  unless  the 
projected  invasion  of  England  was  to  fail,  or  a  total 
change  take  place  in  the  persons,  who  directed  the 
affairs  of  the  government.  In  this  conclusion  all 
the  envoys  united,  although  on  very  different 
grounds. 

So  anxious  were    these   ministers  to  supply  tlie 

want  of  regular  diplomatic   proceedings  by  all  the 

information  in  their  power,  that  the  idle  prattle  of 

a  lady,  who  according  to  Mr.  Pinckney,  "  was  well 

VOL.  n.  26 


20%  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

acquainted  with  Mons.  Talleyrand,"  and  by  him 
afterwards  described  as  "  known  to  be  connected 
with  Mr.  Pinckney,"  was  transmitted  by  that  gen 
tleman  in  an  official  form  to  his  government,  as 
additional  evidence  of  the  disposition  of  the  direc 
tory  to  make  the  payment  of  money  the  basis  of 
negotiation.* 

*  "A  lady  understood  to  be  Madame  de  Villette,  the  celebrat 
ed  belle  and  bonne  of  Voltaire,  was  also  concerned  in  this  trans 
action."  "  As  to  the  lady  an  intimation  is  given  that  that  part 
of  the  affair  was  not  much  to  the  credit  of  the  Americans." — 
Ly  man's  Diplomacy  of  the  United  States,  p.  86.  The  able  author 
of  this  useful  and  generally  accurate  work,  is  here  we  think 
under  some  mistake.  The  lady  referred  to  was  one  acquainted 
with  general  Pinckney,  and  her  communication  was  made  to 
him  and  by  him  alone  to  the  American  government.  Mr.  Gerry 
writes  to  Mons.  Talleyrand,  "  1  cannot  give  you  the  name  of 
any  lady,  for  no  one  has  made  any  political  communications  to 
me  since  my  arrival  in  Paris." 

Madame  Villette  was  the  widow  of  a  gentleman  of  fortune,  a 
colonel  in  the  king's  service.  Her  uncle  was  a  general  officer, 
and  her  brother  commanded  the  corps  which  defended  the  queen 
at  Versailles,  where  he  lost  his  life.  Madame  was  on  Robes 
pierre's  list  of  proscription,  and  was  confined  ten  months  in  pris 
on,  expecting  every  day  to  be  summoned  to  the  guillotine.  Her 
daughter,  then  only  seven  years  of  age,  was  her  only  companion. 
She  was  not  at  this  period  remarkable  for  personal  attractions. 
The  imprisonment  had  made  great  inroad  on  her  health.  She 
is  described  by  a  gentleman  in  Paris,  as  "  equally  distinguished 
for  the  goodness  of  her  heart,  her  excellent  morals,  and  the  rich 
ness  of  her  mind." 

The  intimations  not  much  to  the  credit  of  the  Americans, 
should  have  been  confined  to  one  individual.  Talleyrand  ri 
dicules  the  folly,  which  saw  any  thing  important  in  her  re 
mark,  "  lend  us  says  she  to  him  one  day,  money  in  our  war, 
we  lent  it  to  you  in  yours; "  "  and  a  conversation  thus  simple 
is  taken  up  by  Mr.  Pinckney,  who  finds  it  necessary  to  write 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  203 

While  affairs  remained  in  this  doubtful  condi 
tion,  the  envoys  faithful  to  their  trust,  and  anxious 
to  leave  no  effort  unattempted,  which  talents,  in 
dustry  and  duty  could  accomplish,  laid  before  the 
French  minister  under  date  of  17th  January,  a 
voluminous  defence  of  the  American  policy,  a  jus 
tification  of  the  conduct  of  the  United  States,  and 
a  powerful  appeal  against  that  course  of  conduct, 
which  by  the  sanction  of  the  directory,  had  sacri 
ficed  their  mercantile  capital,  violated  the  privi 
leges  of  their  flag,  and  exposed  their  mariners  to 
captivity. 

The  letter  begins  by  declaring  that  the  envoys 
of  the  United  States  had  been  hitherto  restrained, 
by  the  expectation  of  entering  on  their  mission  in 
the  forms  usual  among  nations,  from  addressing 
the  executive  directory  through  the  minister  of  for 
eign  affairs,  those  explanations  and  reclamations, 
with  which  they  are  charged  by  the  government 
they  represent.  If  that  expectation  was  to  be 
relinquished  yet  the  unfeigned  wish  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  to  restore  that  harmony  between  the 
two  republics,  which  they  have  so  unremitting 
ly  sought  to  preserve,  rendered  it  the  duty  of  the 
envoys  to  lay  before  the  government  of  France, 

every  thing  and  to  poison  it,  is  mysteriously  sent  by  him  to  his 
government,  as  if  it  had  any  relation  to  the  clandestine  proposi 
tion  made  by  the  intriguers.  Tims  minute  is  distrust.  Thus  is 
prejudice  led  astray  in  its  reasonings.  In  this  manner  are  the 
politics  of  some  men  a  pest  to  social  intercourse." — American 
state  papers,  4th  vol.  p.  234. 


204  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

however  informal  the  communication  may  be 
deemed,  some  considerations  in  addition  to  those 
heretofore  submitted  relative  to  the  subsisting  dif 
ferences  between  the  two  republics. 

This  admirable  state  paper,  which  may  com 
pare  advantageously  with  the  ablest  diplomatic 
correspondence  in  the  American  archives,  was 
draughted  by  general  Marshall,  and  submitted  to 
Mr.  Gerry  for  revision  and  amendment. 

During  the  time  it  was  under  his  eye  it  under 
went  important  alterations  in  its  style  and  man 
ner,  to  give  it  that  softening  and  courteous  form 
of  address,  which  should  neither  contain,  nor  give 
reasonable  pretence  for  a  complaint  that  it  did 
contain,  any  offensiveness  of  language,  and  al 
though  it  was  decidedly  his  opinion  that  there 
were  reasons,  which  argument  could  not  reach,  for 
the  unpromising  condition  of  things,  he  agreed 
with  his  colleagues  in  subscribing  the  amended 
despatch. 

While  the  most  careful  and  successful  regard 
appears  to  have  been  paid  to  the  composition  of 
this  able  performance  to  suit  it  to  the  temper  of 
the  haughty  tribunal  to  which  it  was  addressed, 
it  lost  nothing  of  the  character,  which  belonged  to 
a  free  and  powerful  people  complaining  of  the  in 
juries  they  had  suffered,  and  describing  the  pa 
tience  and  the  perseverance,  with  which  they  had 
peaceably  sought  redress.  It  displays  every  where 
the  most  anxious  desire  for  an  honourable  recon- 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  205 

cilintion,  and  affects  not  to  conceal  the  grief  of  vio 
lated  friendship  in  the  unfortunate  separation  of  the 
only  republics  in  the  world.  The  personal  feel 
ings  of  tin;  writers,  and  the  circumstances  to  which 
they  appeal  for  the  proof  of  their  sincerity,  were 
too  forcibly  expressed  not  to  be  true. 

"  Bringing  with  them,"  says  the  letter,  "  the 
temper  of  their  government  and  country,  searching 
only  for  the  means  of  effecting  the  objects  of  their 
mission,  they  have  permitted  no  personal  conside 
rations  to  influence  their  conduct,  but  have  waited 
under  circumstances  bevond  measure;  embarrassing 
and  unpleasant,  with  that  respect,  which  the  Ame 
rican  government  has  so  uniformly  paid  to  that  of 
France,  for  permission  to  lay  before  you,  citi/en 
minister,  the  important  communications  with  which 
they  have  been  changed." 

"  If,  citi/en  minister,  there  remains  a  hope  that 
these  desirable  objects  can  be  e fleeted  by  any 
means,  which  the  United  States  have  authorized, 
the  envoys  would  still  solicit,  and  still  respectfully 
attend  the  developement  of  those  means.  If  on 
the  contrary  no  such  hope  remains,  they  have  only 
to  pray  that  their  return  to  their  own  country  may  be 
facilitated,  and  they  will  leave  France  with  the 
most  deep  felt  regret,  that  neither  the  real  and 
sincere  friendship,  which  the  government  of  the 
United  States  has  so  uniformly  and  unequivocally 
displayed  for  this  great  republic,  nor  its  continued 
efforts  to  demonstrate  the  purity  of  its  conduct  and 


206  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

intentions,  can  protect  its  citizens,  or  preserve  them 
from  the  calamities,  which  they  have  sought  by  a 
just  and  upright  conduct  to  avert." 

These  communications  had  no  effect.  There 
were  points,  which  could  not  be  overcome  by  any 
power  of  language  ;  obstacles,  which  the  diplo 
macy  of  the  French  government,  whose  most  fa 
miliar  art  was  deception,  raised  in  the  road,  by 
their  willingness  to  transfer  to  the  agents  of  the 
American  republic  imputations,  which  its  own 
annals  would  prove  to  have  been  very  frequently 
attributable  to  itself. 

The  directory  believed,  or  affected  to  believe, 
that  the  American  administration  was  wholly  in 
sincere  in  its  pacific  and  friendly  professions,  that 
it  was  under  English  influence,  and  sought  only 
a  plausible  pretence  to  join  the  "  conspiracy  of 
kings."  They  believed,  or  affected  to  believe, 
that  the  English  cabinet,  having  by  the  power  of 
France  been  obliged  to  acknowledge  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  states,  aspired  at  least  to  influence 
their  policy,  and  introduce  monarchical  establish 
ments  ;  that  it  endeavoured  to  fortify,  by  similarity 
of  constitutional  forms,  habits  common  to  the 
English  and  American  people.  That  many  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States  could  be  found,  who 
were  seriously  reconciled  to  the  English  system  of 
government ;  that  men  called  by  public  confidence 
to  the  administration  of  affairs  in  the  United  States 
had  written  in  favour  of  the  British  constitution, 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  207 

merely  to  prepare  the  way  for  such  a  system  in 
their  own  country.  That  to  men  of  these  senti 
ments  war  was  indispensable,  and  a  war  too  with 
the  French  republic  ;  that  by  means  of  a  war  they 
could  raise  armies  and  obtain  supplies ;  that  by 
means  of  war  against  their  old  friends,  against 
brothers  and  republicans,  it  would  be  easy  to  ac 
celerate  their  wishes,  to  excite  civil  commotion, 
to  shock  all  former  ideas  of  political  morality,  to 
stigmatize  as  seditious  the  honourable  defenders 

o 

of  principles,  and  to  crush,  under  the  pageantry 
and  force  of  monarchical  institutions,  the  simple 
and  unostentatious  forms  of  representative  govern 
ment.  * 

Preposterous  as  these  imputations  now  seem, 
they  derived  in  the  minds  of  the  rulers  of  France, 
great  confidence  from  the  language  and  conduct  of 
parties  in  the  United  States.  Americans  attribut 
ed  such  opinions  to  some  of  their  fellow  citizens, 
and  in  the  war  of  recrimination,  which  was  carried 
on  in  the  gazettes  of  the  day,  all  public  spirit,  all 
national  pride  and  all  sentiments  of  patriotism 
seemed  to  be  lost  for  ever.  The  country  was 
divided  into  factions,  and  would  be  ruined  by  the 
prevalence  of  either  one  over  the  other. 

*  If  the  opinion  supposed  to  have  been  entertained  by  colonel 
Hamilton  and  before  cited,  page  C2,  had  reached  the  cars  of 
citi/en  plenipotentiary  Genet  as  it  had  Mr.  Jefferson's,  it  would 
undoubtedly  have  been  communicated  with  additions  and  embel 
lishment,  and  have  served  to  confirm  the  imputations  recorded 
in  the  text. 


208  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

But  the  French  directory  chose  to  extend  their 
erroneous  suspicions  to  the  characters  of  the  dis 
tinguished  citizens,  who  with  equal  purity  of  at 
tachment  to  their  own  country  were  deputed  to 
represent  its  interests  with  the  government  of 
republican  France. 

Two  of  these,  it  was  said,  if  not  believed,  two 
of  them  were  infected  with  the  same  anti-republi 
can  principles  ;  and  any  attempt  at  negotiation 
with  them  would  prove  abortive  ;  because  it  was 
a  part  of  the  political  drama,  in  which  they  were 
actors,  to  close  all  avenues  of  honourable  peace, 
and  to  give  strength  and  popularity  to  their  party 
at  home  by  so  managing  affairs  as  to  produce  a 
rupture  and  throw  the  blame  of  it  on  the  govern 
ment  of  France. 

Their  associations  and  intimates,  their  oral  and 
written  opinions,  known  through  the  machinery  of 
a  vigilant  police,  justified  as  was  said,  all  these 
suspicions.  They  did  not  come  to  make  peace, 
but  to  prove  that  no  peace  could  be  made.  Under 
the  guise  of  a  desire  to  negotiate  with  France, 
their  real  design  was  to  show  to  America  that 
there  was  no  alternative  but  war. 

These  unreasonable  and  ill  founded  jealousies, 
it  was  apparent,  could  neither  be  written  down  by 
logical  arguments  on  national  rights,  or  eloquent 
complaints  of  public  wrongs. 

On  4th  February,  while  these  opinions  were 
professed  by  the  directory,  Mons.  Talleyrand  in- 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  209 

vited  Mr.  Gerry  to  meet  him,  and  having  enjoined 
upon  him  profound  secrecy,  informed  him  that  the 
executive  directory  were  dissatisfied  and  embar 
rassed  by  the  opinions  and  conversation  of  liis 
colleagues  ;  that  it  had  determined  not  to  treat 
with  them,  but  signified  their  willingness  to  enter 
upon  negotiations  with  him  ;  and  the  minister 
added  that  his  departure  or  refusal  would  produce 
an  immediate  declaration  of  war  against  the 
United  States. 

"  Astonished,"   says  Mr.    Gerry,  in  a  letter  to 
Mons.   Talleyrand,  "  at  this  communication,  I  in 
formed  you  that  I  had  no  powers  to  treat  sepa 
rately,  the  measure  was  impossible,  and  that  had 
my  powers  been  adequate,  a  treaty  made   under 
such  circumstances  could  never  he  ratified  by  my 
government.     You  di fibred  from  me  ;  we  reason 
ed  upon  it,  and  each  adhered   to  his   opinion.    ,  I 
urged  in  vain  the  unreasonableness  of  admitting 
prejudices  against  my  colleagues  without  inform 
ing  them  of  the  causes  thereof,  the  good  effect  in 
removing  them,  which   might  result  from  such  in 
formation,  and  the  necessity  of  making  known  to 
them  all  that  had   now  passed  between  us.     You 
held  me  to  the  promise  of  secrecy,  adding  that  if 
I  would  negotiate,  we  could  soon  finish  a  treaty, 
for  the   executive  directory  were  not  in  the  habit 
of  spending  much  time  about  such  matters.     You 
desired   another  interview,  in  which,  after  a  dis 
cussion  of  the  subject,  I  confirmed  and  adhered  to 

VOL.  n.  27 


210  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

my  determination.  In  this  state  affairs  remained 
some  time,  and  I  flattered  myself  with  the  hope, 
that  failing  in  the  proposition  for  negotiating  with 
me  separately,  your  next  would  be  to  accredit  the 
three  envoys  ;  in  such  an  event  the  secrecy  men 
tioned  would  have  been  proper." 

When  Mr.  Gerry  returned  from  his  first  visit  to 
Mons.  Talleyrand,  he  informed  general  Marshall 
that  communications  and  propositions  had  been 
made  to  him  by  that  minister,  which  he  was  not 
at  liberty  to  impart  to  general  Pinckney  or  himself, 
that  he  had  also  propounded  some  questions  which 
had  produced  changes  in  the  proposition,  but  that 
as  soon  as  he  could  obtain  liberty  the  whole  matter 
should  be  laid  before  him. 

There  needed  nothing  else.  Mr.  Marshall  in 
his  commentary  on  this  extraordinary  occurrence 
in  his  private  journal,  expresses  his  conviction, 
that  the  substance  of  this  communication  was  a 
determination  to  order  his  and  general  Pinckney's 
departure  from  France.  The  last  named  gentle 
man  also  in  a  few  days  assured  Mr.  Gerry  that 
he  was  apprized  of  the  nature  of  this  private  in 
terview,  and  immediately  mentioned  the  fact. 
Whether  these  gentlemen,  by  any  such  associations 
or  opinions  as  had  been  ascribed  to  them,  had  any 
reason  to  apprehend  such  a  measure,  or  whether 
to  embarass  and  divide  the  envoys,  it  was  made 
with  the  forms  of  privacy  to  one  and  covertly  con 
veyed  to  the  others,  must  be  matter  of  conjecture. 


LIFE  OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  211 

On  the  25th  February  Mr.  Talleyrand's  secre 
tary  called  on  Mr.  Gerry  and  desired  him  to  con 
sult  the  other  envoys,  and  inform  him  whether 
they  would  consent  to  a  loan  payable  after  tin; 
war,  adding  that  this  proposal  had  not  before  beeu 
made.  The  proposition  with  all  its  circumstan 
ces  was  submitted  by  Mr.  Gerry  to  his  colleagues 
and  thoroughly  discussed.  The  manner  in  which 
it  was  entertained  will  presently  be  stated. 

Preceding  these  circuitous  and  extraordinary 
events,  that  is  to  say  on  the  HHh  January,  as  a 
prelude  to  the  threatened  war,  which  Mous.  Tal 
leyrand  had  assured  Mr.  Gerry,  he  alone  had  pow 
er  to  avert,  the  two  legislative  councils  had  de 
creed  that  every  vessel  found  at  sea  and  loaded  in 
whole  or  in  part  with  merchandise,  the  produc 
tions  of  England,  should  be  declared  prize,  who 
ever  the  owner  of  these  goods  or  merchandise 
might  be. 

The  pressure  of  this  decree  on  the  commerce 
of  their  country  induced  the  envoys  to  rescind  their 
determination  not  to  make  an  informal  visit  to  the 
minister.  On  the  27th  February  they  demanded 
an  audience,  and  were  received  on  the  2d  March. 

At  this  and  the  interviews  which  followed,  the 
French  minister  reproached  the  envoys  for  the  dis 
tance  and  the  coldness  they  had  observed  in  their 
intercourse  with  him,  and  asserted  in  answer  to 
their  vindication,  that  it  was  neither  friendly  or 
usual,  but  had  increased  the  displeasure  of  the 


212  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

directory.  He  adverted  again  to  the  effect  pro 
duced  by  the  president's  speech,  and  of  the  neces 
sity  of  a  loan  of  money,  as  an  evidence  of  the  sin 
cerity  of  their  professions,  which  must  be  tested 
by  something  of  more  value  than  words. 

All  the  envoys  reprobated  a  loan  as  a  measure, 
which  would  entangle  them  with  other  nations,  as 
a  departure  from  their  neutrality,  as  unjust,  impo 
litic,  and  a  violation  of  instructions,  which  it  would 
be  useless  for  them  to  transcend. 

Talleyrand  again  remarked  that  his  government 
insisted  on  some  proposition,  which  would  prove 
that  it  was  not  about  entering  into  arrangements 
with  a  people  or  their  agents,  who  were  unfriendly 
to  its  interest,  but  finding  that  a  loan  as  at  first 
proposed  would  not  be  acceded  to,  he  changed  his 
ground,  and  suggested  what  his  secretary  had  be 
fore  communicated  to  Mr.  Gerry,  that  it  should  be 
contracted  to  be  payable  after  the  wrar,  and  in 
supplies  to  St.  Domingo.  So  constructed,  he  said, 
it  would  effectually  prevent  any  just  complaint  by 
other  belligerents.  At  any  event  this  was  the 
only  condition,  on  which  the  directory  would  open 
negotiations,  and  this  acceded  to,  the  adjustment 
of  complaints  would  be  easy.  If  wrong  had  been 
done  to  the  United  States  it  would  be  repaired, 
but  if  this  was  not  admitted,  the  distance  and  cold 
ness  between  the  two  governments  would  be  in 
creased. 

The  envoys    having  had  two  interviews  with 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  213 

Mons.  Talleyrand  on  2d  March,  although  he  was 
not  authorised  by  the  executive  directory  to  hold 
them  officially,  desired  another  on  the  sixth,  which 
was  accordingly  appointed.  At  this  last  interview 
they  rejected  absolutely  his  new  modified  proposi 
tion,  declining  any  loan  in  whatever  terms,  time 
or  manner  it  should  be  made. 

Between  the  2d  and  6th  this  matter  was  dis 
cussed,  as  after  the  27th  February  it  had  before 
been  by  the  envoys.  The  separate  opinions  of 
the  members  are  not  disclosed  in  their  voluminous 
communications ;  nor  in  the  statement  made  to 
Mons.  Talleyrand  does  it  appear,  but  that  their 
resolution  was  unanimous.  Such  however  was 
not  the  fact.  A  difference  of  opinion  existed 
among  the  envoys.  That  of  the  majority  has  been 
commended  to  the  admiration  of  the  world,  while 
the  dissenting  individual,  whose  error  if  it  was 
one,  was  a  mere  error  of  judgment,  and  wholly 
harmless  because  it  was  unknown  at  the  time 
both  in  France  and  America,  has  been  calumniat 
ed,  misrepresented  and  abused,  as  if  he  were 
ready  to  sacrifice  his  country's  interest,  honour, 
character  and  independence. 

In  the  conferences  of  the  envoys  relative  to  the 
condition  of  things  thus  presented  by  the  minis 
ter's  secretary  and  confirmed  by  their  direct  ap 
plication  to  the  minister  himself,  it  was  acceded  to 
by  all  of  them  that  the  haughty  temper  of  the  re 
public  demanded  as  a  preliminary,  what  with  more 


214  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

propriety  should  have  been  the   subject  of  nego 
tiation. 

Their  instructions  were  in  the  following  terms, 
"  that  no  aid  be  stipulated  in  favour  of  France 
during  the  present  war,"  and  it  was-  admitted  that 
they  excluded  all  power  in  the  envoys  to  negotiate 
a  loan  during  its  continuance.  Mr.  Gerry  thought 
that  as  to  a  loan  payable  after  the  war,  the  in 
structions  were  ambiguous.  Messrs.  Marshall  and 
Pinckney  maintained  that  they  were  as  perempto 
ry  in  the  one  case  as  the  other. 

"  I  considered,"  said  Mr.  Gerry,  "  that  as  our 
instructions  contained  not  a  word  respecting  a  loan 
after  the  war,  it  was  not  manifest  from  them  either 
that  the  government  would  approve  or  disapprove 
such  a  loan  if  made  by  the  envoys,  as  a  necessary 
measure  of  accommodation,  and  although  the  pro 
viding  that  no  aid  be  stipulated  during  the  war, 
might  imply  that  aid  might  be  stipulated  after  the 
war,  yet  it  appeared  probable  to  me  such  a  contin 
gency  had  not  been  anticipated  by  our  govern 
ment." 

t  To  the  objection  that  whatever  might  be  the 
terms,  yet  in  effect  a  loan  payable  at  any  time, 
would  be  a  loan,  on  which  money  could  be  raised 
for  present  use,  Mr.  Gerry  said  that  he  could  con 
sent  to  the  proposed  loan  under  no  circumstances 
unless  in  the  treaty  to  be  made  this  possibility 
could  be  prevented  ;  that  if  this  treaty  contained 
a  stipulation  to  avoid  the  loan  in  case  any  such  use 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  215 

was  made  of  it,  such  provision  he  thought  would 
do  away  the  objection. 

But  it  was  after  all  a  question  of  expediency. 
France  had   made  a  series  of  vexatious  captures  of 
the  ships   and   merchandise  of  the  United  States, 
to  an  amount  of  many  million  of  dollars.     By  ac 
tual  war,  the  undoubted  right  of  the  United  States 
for  a  reclamation  of  all  that  vast   amount  of  pro 
perty  would  be  lost  forever.      A  treaty  with  the  dis 
advantage  of  a  loan  might  give    restitution  to  the 
sufiering   merchants,  whose  property   to   this  im 
mense  amount  had  either  been  already  paid  over 
to  the  captors,  or  was  now  in  progress  of  condem 
nation.     That  war  with  the  French  people,  in  ad 
dition  to  all  the  misery,  which   necessarily  attend 
ed  a  resort  to   arms,  in   the  destruction  of  human 
life,  in  the  interruption  of  domestic  pursuits,  and 
in  the  dangers  which  might  be  apprehended  to  the 
new  government   and   almost  untried  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  would  as  a  mere    matter   of 
pecuniary  calculation,  be   of  vastly  more  damage 
to  the  finances  of  their  country.     I  ts  amount  would 
be  incalculable,  and  its  consequences  on  the  credit 
and   revenues   of  the   union,  just   now   beginning 
to  recover   themselves   from   the   disasters  of  the 
revolution,  could  hardly  be  well  anticipated.     The 
power  and  resources  of  France  prevented  all  dan 
ger    of   loss   from    the  loan,   which  would    be  re 
paid  to  us  according  to  the   stipulated   terms,   and 
might  be  negotiated  on  our  credit  merely  without 
any  considerable  advance. 


216  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Mr.  Gerry  adverted  to  the  divided  condition  of 
the  American  people,  as  an  argument  that  would 
prove  almost  any  sacrifice  less  dangerous  than  a 
war  not  supported  by  the  public  will,  and  which 
might  produce  the  most  serious  civil  dissensions. 

A  war  with  France,  he  said,  would  throw  the 
United  States  almost  of  necessity  into  the  arms  of 
England,  already  struggling  for  its  existence  under 
circumstances  of  unparalleled  embarrassments.  It 
was  this  connexion  he  feared  much  more  than  the 
force,  great  as  it  was,  of  the  French  arms. 

On  the  point  of  honour  Mr.  Gerry  did  not  ad 
mit  that  he  felt  less  sensibly  or  delicately  than 
either  of  his  colleagues,  but  by  no  means  conced 
ed  that  the  modified  proposition  of  a  loan  under 
the  existing  circumstances  of  the  case,  could  be 
injurious  to  the  honour,  or  derogatory  to  the  in 
dependence  of  the  United  States. 

The  honour  of  a  country,  he  contended,  could 
never  be  consulted  by  adopting  a  measure,  which 
hazarded  its  existence.  In  the  valour  of  his  coun 
trymen,  in  their  firmness,  resolution  and  enduring 
courage,  he  had  unlimited  confidence ;  he  had 
been  a  witness  of  their  wonderful  efforts  in  the 
darkest  periods  of  the  revolutionary  contest,  but 
there  were  limits  to  all  human  ability.  If  France 
succeeded  in  her  vast  efforts  for  the  subjugation 
of  England,  our  destruction  as  the  ally  of  England 
was  certain ;  if  she  failed,  we  had  contracted  an 
alliance  in  no  degree  less  productive  of  ruin. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  217 

There  could  be  no  point  of  national  honour  in 
such  a  dilemma.  A  jealous  honour,  he  contended, 
would  before  now  have  involved  us  in  a  quarrel 
with  both  the  belligerents.  We  had  suffered 
wrongs  from  both  of  them,  not  less  insulting  in 
manner  than  serious  in  amount.  With  one  we 
had  effected  a  negotiation  by  yielding  a  principle 
not  less  vital,  and  probably  not  less  embarrassing, 
than  the  Joan  now  demanded  by  the  other.  Was 
it  now  necessary  to  our  character  to  become  of  a 
sudden  so  nicely  fastidious,  and  having  without 
war  borne  all  kinds  of  injuries,  voluntarily  incur 
the  most  awful  calamity  of  nations  upon  a  doubt 
ful  question  of  national  honour  ?  If  the  Roman 
pride,  which  permits  no  second  injury,  had  in  our 
case  already,  been  violated,  if  the  true  interest  and 
happiness  of  a  young  nation,  feeling  sensibly  its 
wrongs,  and  rapidly  acquiring  the  strength,  which 
it  now  wanted  to  avenge  them,  was  its  best  and 
highest  honour,  in  which  all  the  duty  of  all  its 
citizens  concentrated,  was  that  not  best  preserved 
by  a  little  longer  patience  in  the  path  we  had 
travelled  ? 

Mr.  Gerry  added  that  it  was  well  to  speak  plain. 
He  had  not  found  in  the  opinions  of  his  colleagues 
that  flexibility,  which  persons  earnest  after  peace 
would  have  practised.  That  their  demeanour  was 
cold,  reserved  and  distant  at  least  if  not  back 
ward.  That  had  they  yielded  to  the  conferences 
proposed  b)  the  minister,  it  might  have  been  possi- 

VOL.   n.  28 


218  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

ble  that  some  modification  of  the  proposed  terms 
could  have  been  effected.  He  did  not  assign  to 
them  any  other  than  the  most  honourable  and 
patriotic  motives,  but  they  seemed  to  him  to  act  on 
the  conviction  that  France  was  insincere  in  her  pro 
posals,  and  never  intended  to  do  more  than  amuse 
us  with  the  appearance  of  accommodation,  without 
intending  to  make  a  treaty  that  would  reconcile 
the  two  nations  on  terms  compatible  with  our  in 
dependence.  He  differed  from  them  altogether. 

They  stood  now  on  the  brink  of  an  awful  re 
sponsibility.  He  willingly  encountered  it.  He 
would  have  his  own  determination  known  to  the 
American  people.  They  must  pay  the  expenses 
of  the  war,  and  their  blood  must  flow  in  expiation 
of  its  causes.  It  was  true  he  was  outvoted,  and 
his  colleagues  had  a  right  to  deliver  the  opinion  of 
the  commission.  He  would  not  embarrass  them 
by  informing  the  French  government  of  this  differ 
ence  of  opinion,  but  it  must  be  remembered,  and 
to  this  end  he  desired  to  record  his  solemn  pro 
testation,  that  no  part  or  share  of  this  refusal  was 
attributable  to  him.* 

Notwithstanding  this,  Mr.  Gerry  declared,  he 
would  not  at  present  agree  to  a  loan,  nor  at  any 
time  accede  to  it  without  the  sanction  of  his  govern- 

*  The  private  journal  of  Mr.  Marshall,  for  the  inspection  of 
which  the  author  is  indebted  to  colonel  Pickering,  attributes 
substantially  most  of  the  foregoing  arguments  to  Mr.  Gerry, 
which  are  extended  and  confirmed  in  his  papers. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY  219 

ment.  His  only  difference  with  his  colleagues 
was  narrowed  down  to  this.  They  absolutely  re 
fused  to  consider  the  proposition,  and  met  it  with 
an  unqualified  negative.  He  was  willing  to  open 
negotiations  on  the  basis  of  a  loan,  to  be  made 
after  the  war,  and  to  prepare  a  treaty  ad  referendum, 
reserving  to  himself  the  right  of  a  decision  on  the 
whole  matter,  when  a  decision  should  be  eventual 
ly  necessary. 

It  was  obvious  that  the  loan  was  a  small  matter. 
In  a  pecuniary  light  to  the  French  nation  it  was  a 
trifle.  It  was  solicited  as  proof  of  a  friendly  spirit 
on  the  part  of  a  people,  with  whom  the  directory 
pretended  to  be  irritated,  and  as  a  conciliation  to 
the  French  nation,  whose  attachment  to  the  Ame 
ricans  had  very  greatly  diminished. 

In  the  subsequent  stages  of  this  negotiation, 
Mr.  Gerry  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  French 
minister  that  the  loan  ought  not  to  be  insisted  on. 
At  a  conference  on  the  6th  of  March,  he  urged 
the  impolicy  of  this  demand,  and  maintained  that 
a  treaty  on  liberal  principles,  such  as  those  on 
which  the  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  two 
nations  was  first  established,  would  be  infinitely 
more  advantageous  to  France  than  the  compara 
tively  trifling  benefit  she  would  derive  from  a 
loan ;  such  a  treaty  would  produce  a  friendship 
and  attachment  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
to  France,  which  would  be  solid  and  permanent, 
and  produce  benefits  far  superior  to  those  of  any 
loan  which  might  be  made. 


220  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

In  this  effort  he  was  equally  unsuccessful,  and 
affairs  seemed  rapidly  tending  to  a  crisis. 

On  the  13th  of  March,  a  distinguished  citizen 
of  the  republic,  supposed  with  good  reason  by 
general  Marshall,*  to  be  deputed  for  the  purpose 
by  Mons.  Talleyrand,  called  on  the  general,  and 
under  injunctions  of  secrecy,  except  as  to  his  col 
leagues,  informed  him  "  that  the  directory  was  de 
termined  to  give  passports  to  general  Pinckney 
and  himself,  and  to  retain  Mr.  Gerry ;  that  this 
order  would  be  kept  up  a  few  days  to  give  time 
to  make  propositions  conforming  to  the  views  of 
this  government.  That  if  they  were  not  made 
Talleyrand  would  be  compelled  to  execute  the 
order.  General  Marshall  told  him  if  the  pro 
position  in  expectation  of  which  the  order  was 
kept  up  was  a  loan,  it  was  perfectly  unnecessary 
to  keep  it  up  a  single  day  ;  that  the  subject  had 
been  considered  for  five  months,  and  the  opinion 
with  respect  to  the  injunctions  of  positive  duty 
concerning  it  were  incapable  of  being  shaken ; 
that  as  to  himself,  if  it  was  impossible  to  effect 
the  object  of  the  mission,  he  did  not  wish  to  stay 
another  day  in  France,  and  would  as  cheerfully 
depart  the  next  day  as  at  any  future  time.  The 
messenger  reasoned,  as  often  before,  on  the  pro 
priety  of  assuming  the  powers,  which  were  re 
quired,  as  being  indispensably  necessary  for  the 
welfare  of  the  country.  He  did  not  pretend  to 

*  General  Marshall's  Journal,  MS- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  221 

say  that  the  demands  of  France  were  just,  nor  did 
the  minister  pretend  to  place  the  demand  on  that 
ground,  or  to  expect  compliance  on  that  account, 
but  because  a  compliance  would  be  useful  to  our 
country ;  that  France  thought  herself  sufficiently 
powerful  to  give  the  law  to  the  world,  and  exact 
ed  from  all  around  her  money  to  enable  her  to 
finish  successfully  her  war  against  Rngland.  All 
the  nations  around  her,  (and  he  enumerated  them) 
had  been  compelled  to  contribute  to  this  object. 
There  was  no  instance  in  which  France  had  de 
sisted  from  a  demand  once  made,  and  it  might  be 
relied  on  she  would  not  desist  from  the  demand 
made  on  us.  After  some  further  conversation,  in 
which  general  Marshall  persisted  in  the  declaration 
that  no  money  proposition  could  or  would  he  made, 
he  returned  to  the  subject  of  retaining  Mr.  Gerry. 
He  said  it  was  expected  America  would  consider 
this  as  manifesting  an  unwillingness  on  the  part  of 
France  to  break  entirely  with  us,  and  that  the 
government  of  the  I'nited  States  would  annex  to 
Mr.  Gerry  two  other  persons,  who  might  do  what 
was  necessary  for  our  country,  or  have  a  stronger 
disposition  to  reconcile  the  two  republics.  He 
hinted  a  desire  that  some  propositions  of  the  sort 
should  come  from  us.  General  Marshall  told  him, 
"  if  two  of  us  should  return,  our  government  would 
act  as  its  own  judgment  should  dictate.  That  if 
France  was  desirous  that  two  of  us  should  return 
to  represent  fully  to  our  government  the  state  of 


222  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

politics  in  this  country,  and  meant  to  leave  to  our 
decision,  who  should  stay  or  go,  we  should  arrange 
that  matter  as  might  comport  with  our  own  opin 
ion  of  propriety  and  the  interests  of  our  country  ; 
that  if  on  the  contrary,  France  chose  to  decide  for 
us,  and  select  for  the  United  States  the  minister 
who  should  represent  them,  the  act  must  be  entire 
ly  the  act  of  France,  and  they  would  not  have  the 
smallest  concern  with  it." 

"  You  know  very  well,"  said  the  general,  "  if  any 
of  us  returns  to  the  United  States,  I  am  resolved  to 
be  one  ;  but  that  I  would  contribute  to  no  arrange 
ment  of  the  sort  proposed,  because  I  conceive  that 
a  minister  ought  to  represent  the  country  and  the 
interests  of  that  country  which  deputed  him,  and 
not  that  to  which  he  was  deputed,  and  consequent 
ly  he  ought  to  be  chosen  by  those  who  deputed 
him,  and  not  by  those  to  whom  he  was  deputed. 
He  replied,  that  my  observation  was  very  just  in 
itself,  and  would  apply  if  France  rejected  us  all, 
and  demanded  a  fourth  man  from  America,  but 
that  we  were  all  three  equally  trusted  and  chosen 
by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
France  only  selected  from  among  us  one,  whose 
dispositions  were  believed  to  be  friendly  to  this 
government,  and  who  might  safely  be  permitted 
to  stay  among  them.  That  general  Pinckney  and 
myself,  and  especially  myself,  were  considered  as 
being  sold  to  the  English.  He  would  not  conceal 
from  me  that  our  positive  refusal  to  comply  with 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  223 

the  demands  of  France,  was  attributed  principally 
to  me,  who  was  considered  entirely  English.  That 
he  had  assured  the  minister,  he  was  mistaken. 
That  I  was  restrained  from  agreeing  to  the  loan, 
from  want  of  power,  and  not  by  want  of  will,  but 
the  opinion  was  persisted  in.  I  felt  some  little 
resentment,  and  answered,  that  the  French  gov 
ernment  thought  no  such  thing ;  that  neither  the 
government  nor  any  man  thought  me  English,  but 
they  knew  I  was  not  French  ;  they  knew  I  would 
not  sacrifice  my  duty  and  the  interests  of  my 
country  to  any  nation  on  earth,  and  therefore  I 
was  not  a  proper  man  to  stay,  and  was  branded 
with  the  epithet  of  being  English."* 

This  indecent  and  disreputable  imputation, 
which  while  it  glanced  from,  without  injuring  the 
honourable  character  of  the  upright  and  virtuous 
statesman  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  reflects  on 
its  author  the  disgrace  it  was  vainly  intended  to 
affix  on  general  Marshall,  was  soon  after  followed 
by  an  official  letter  from  the  minister  to  the  en 
voys.  It  bears  date  the  18th  of  March,  and  was 
intended  as  an  answer  to  their  letter  of  17th 
January. 

In  this  letter  Talleyrand  assumes  a  style  suit 
ed  to  the  haughty  temper  of  his  government. 
He  maintains  that  the  priority  of  grievances  and 
complaints  belonged  to  the  French  republic  ;  that 
all  the  grievances  of  which  the  American  envoys 

*  MS.  Journal  of  general  Marshall. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

complained  grew  out  of  measures,  which  the  con 
duct  of  the  United  States  had  justified.  He  com 
plains  that  the  republic  was  deceived  in  the  ne 
gotiation,  and  sacrificed  by  the  treaty  of  London 
of  1 794  ;  that  in  this  treaty  the  federal  govern 
ment  had  made  to  Great  Britain  concessions  the 
most  unheard  of,  the  most  incompatible  with  the 
interests  of  the  United  States,  and  the  most  dero 
gatory  to  their  alliance  with  France  ;  that  by  it 
every  thing  had  been  calculated  to  turn  the  neu 
trality  of  the  United  States  to  the  advantage  of 
England,  and  that  France  was  thereby  left  free  to 
avail  itself  of  the  preservative  means,  with  which 
the  law  of  nature,  the  law  of  nations  and  prior 
treaties  furnished  her. 

He  complained  that  American  newspapers  under 
the  direct  control  of  the  cabinet  had  since  the  ratifi 
cation  of  that  treaty  redoubled  their  calumnies 
against  the  republic,  against  her  principles,  her 
magistrates,  and  her  envoys.  The  executive  direc 
tory  had  seen  itself  denounced  in  a  speech  of  the 
president,  as  endeavouring  to  produce  anarchy  and 
division  in  the  United  States.  He  accuses  the 
government  of  the  United  States  of  a  desire  to 
adhere  at  every  hazard,  to  the  spirit  of  the  treaty 
at  London,  without  giving  to  France  an  opportu 
nity  for  equal  advantage,  as  evidence  of  which  he 
adverts  to  the  instructions  of  the  envoys,  which 
he  says  were  not  drawn  up  with  the  desire  of  at 
taining  pacific  results.  The  intention,  which  he 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  225 

attributes  to  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
he  says,  is  so  little  disguised  that  nothing  seems 
to  have  been  neglected  to  manifest  them  to  every 
eye.  It  is  probably  with  this  view  that  it  was 
thought  proper  to  send  to  the  French  republic 
persons  whose  opinions  and  connexions  are  too 
well  known  to  hope  from  them  dispositions  sin 
cerely  conciliatory.  He  adds  the  following  para 
graph. 

"  It  is  only  in  order  to  smooth  the  way  of  dis 
cussions,  that  the  undersigned  has  entered  into 
the  preceding  explanations.  It  is  with  the  same 
view  that  he  declares  to  the  commissioners  and 
envoys  extraordinary,  that  notwithstanding  the 
kind  of  prejudice,  which  has  been  entertained 
with  respect  to  them,  the  executive  directory  is 
disposed  to  treat  with  that  one  of  the  three,  whose 
opinions,  presumed  to  be  more  impartial,  promise 
in  the  course  of  the  explanations  more  of  that 
reciprocal  confidence,  which  is  indispensable." 

The  replication  of  the  American  envoys  was 
presented  on  the  3d  of  April.  In  clear  and  for 
cible  language,  with  firmness,  frankness  and  plain 
ness  suited  to  the  character  of  the  United  States, 
this  reply  meets,  answers,  refutes  every  topic  in 
succession,  which  was  contained  in  the  minister's 
letter.  It  denies  his  accusations,  it  corrects  his 
mis-statements,  it  overturns  his  arguments,  and 
presents  another  splendid  instance  of  the  powerful 
defence,  which  integrity  and  talents  and  learning 

VOL.    n.  29 


226  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

are  capable  of  making  for  the  injured  rights  of  the 
country. 

To  the  part  relative  to  themselves  the  letter 
replies,  "  The  opinions  and  relations  of  the  under 
signed  are  purely  American,  unmixed  with  any 
particle  of  foreign  tint.  If  they  possess  a  quality 
on  which  they  pride  themselves,  it  is  an  attach 
ment  to  the  happiness  and  welfare  of  their  coun 
try  ;  if  they  could  at  will  select  the  means  of 
manifesting  that  attachment,  it  would  be  by  effect 
ing  a  sincere  and  real  accommodation  between 
France  and  the  United  States,  in  promoting  the 
interests  of  both,  and  consistent  with  the  independ 
ence  of  the  latter." 

To  the  offer  of  the  directory  to  treat  with  one 
of  their  number,  the  envoys  reply,  "  The  result  of 
a  deliberation  on  this  point  is  that  no  one  of  the 
undersigned  is  authorized  to  take  upon  himself  a 
negotiation,  evidently  intrusted,  by  the  tenor  of 
their  powers  and  instructions  to  the  whole,  nor 
are  there  any  two  of  them  who  can  propose  to 
withdraw  themselves  from  the  task  committed  to 
them  by  their  government,  while  there  remains  a 
possibility  of  performing  it. 

"  It  is  hoped  the  prejudices  said  to  have  been 
conceived  against  the  ministers  of  the  United 
States  will  be  dissipated  by  the  truths  they  have 
stated. 

"  If  in  this  hope  they  shall  be  disappointed,  and 
it  should  be  the  will  of  the  directory  to  order 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  227 

passports  for  any  number  of  them,  you  will  please 
accompany  such  passports  with  letters  of  safe  con 
duct,  which  will  entirely  protect  from  the  cruisers 
of  France  the  vessels,  in  which  they  may  respec 
tively  sail,  and  give  to  their  persons,  suit  and  pro 
perty  that  perfect  security  to  which  the  laws  and 
usages  of  nations  entitle  them." 

This  letter  of  the  envoys  to  Mons.  Talleyrand 
was  followed  by  one  from  him  to  Mr.  Gerry,  inti 
mating  a  belief  that  his  colleagues  had  withdrawn 
from  the  territories  of  the  republic,  and  express 
ing  a  desire  to  resume  with  him  reciprocal  com 
munications  upon  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  French  republic.  To 
this  Mr.  Gerry  replied. 


MR.  GERRY    TO    MONS.    TALLEYRAND. 


PARIS,  APRIL  ifjT^iX  (GKRMINAL  15th,  an  G.) 

I  had  the  honour,  citizen  minister,  of  receiving 
your  letter  of  the  1 1th  Germinal  (the  3d  inst.) 
and  Mr.  Deutrement,  who  delivered  it,  informed 
me,  that  it  was  intended  to  be  shown  to  general 
Pinckney  and  general  Marshall. 

Whilst  my  colleagues  and  myself,  to  whom  the 
government  of  the  United  States  have  intrusted 
the  affairs  of  the  embassy,  had  a  joint  agency 
therein,  1  have  carefully  imparted  to  them  all  the 


228  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

propositions  which  you  have  requested,  and  the 
relative  conferences,  and  to  yourself  our  decisions 
thereon  ;  regretting  at  the  same  time,  the  unfor 
tunate  and  embarrassing  circumstances  which  im 
posed  on  me  this  disagreeable  task.  But  as  by 
the  tenor  of  your  letter,  it  is  now  expected  that 
they  will  quit  the  territory  of  the  French  republic, 
it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  be  the  medium  of, 
or  to  take  any  measures  which  will  be  painful  to 
my  colleagues,  or  not  to  afford  them  all  the  assist 
ance  in  my  power  ;  and  it  would  be  moreover  in 
consistent  with  the  line  of  conduct,  which  you 
well  know,  citizen  minister,  I  have  uniformly  ob 
served,  for  removing  the  unfavourable  impressions 
which  existed  on  the  part  of  this  government 
against  them.  Indeed  in  our  last  letter,  there  is 
a  conditional  application  for  passports,  which  as  it 
appears  to  me,  supersedes  the  necessity  of  a  hint 
to  them  on  this  subject ;  and  general  Marshall  is 
waiting  impatiently  for  an  answer  to  that  part  of 
it,  which  respects  a  letter  of  safe  conduct,  for  the 
vessel  in  which  he  and  his  suite  may  take  passage 
for  the  United  States,  to  determine  whether  he 
shall  embark  from  France  or  from  Great  Britain, 
but  the  unfortunate  situation  of  general  Pinckney 
with  respect  to  the  critical  state  of  his  daughter's 
health,  renders  it  utterly  impossible  for  him  to  de 
part  under  existing  circumstances. 

You  have  proposed,  citizen  minister,  the  5th  or 
7th  of  this  decade  for  me  to  resume  (reprendre) 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  229 

our  reciprocal  communications,  upon  the  interests 
of  the  French  republic  and  of  the  United  States. 
The  reciprocal  communications,  which  we  have 
had,  were  such  only  as  I  have  alluded  to  in  the  be 
ginning  of  this  letter  ;  unless  your  proposition  ac 
companied  with  an  injunction  of  secrecy,  for  me 
to  treat  separately,  is  considered  in  that  light.  To 
resume  this  subject  will  be  unavailing,  because  the 
measure,  for  the  reasons  which  I  then  urged,  is 
utterly  impracticable.  I  can  only  then  confer  in 
formally  and  unaccredited,  on  any  subject  respect 
ing  our  mission,  and  communicate  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  the  result  of  such  con 
ferences,  being  in  my  individual  capacity  unau 
thorized  to  give  them  an  official  stamp.  Never 
theless  every  measure  in  my  power,  and  in  con 
formity  with  the  duty  I  owe  to  my  country,  shall 
be  zealously  pursued  to  restore  harmony,  and  cor 
dial  friendship  between  the  two  republics.  I  had 
the  honour  of  calling  on  you  last  evening,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  this  communication  verbally  ; 
but  as  you  were  absent,  to  prevent  misconceptions, 
I  have  thought  it  best  to  reduce  it  to  writing. 

Accept  1  pray  you,  citizen  minister,  the   assur 
ances  of  my  perfect  esteem  and  respect. 

E.  GERRY. 

To  the  minister  of  foreign  alfnirs 
of  the  French  republic. 


230  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

The  joint  agency  of  the  envoys  had  now  ter 
minated.  After  divers  perplexing  embarrassments 
respecting  passports,  general  Marshall  at  length 
received  them  about  the  12th  of  April,  and  imme 
diately  embarked  for  the  United  States.*  Mr. 
Pinckney  detained  in  Europe  by  the  sickness  of 
a  member  of  his  family,  as  speedily  as  possible 
quitted  Paris.  Mr.  Gerry  on  the  positive  declar 
ation  of  the  minister,  by  order  of  the  directory, 
that  his  departure  from  Paris  would  be  attended 
by  an  immediate  declaration  of  war,  which  would 
be  suspended  by  his  remaining  till  the  sense  of  his 
government  could  be  obtained,  consented  under 
these  circumstances  not  to  demand  his  passports. 
On  the  departure  of  Messrs.  Marshall  and  Pinck 
ney,  Mons.  Talleyrand  proposed,  as  already  men 
tioned,  to  proceed  immediately  on  a  separate  ne 
gotiation  with  Mr.  Gerry,  which  proposition  he 
rejected  without  hesitation,  declaring,  and  against 
the  minister's  repeated  efforts,  maintaining  the 
position  that  his  whole  power  terminated  with  the 
departure  of  his  colleagues. 

*  Some  difficulty  occurred  in  general  Marshall's  obtaining  a 
letter  of  safe  conduct  for  the  vessel  in  which  he  proposed  to  em 
bark,  which  induced  him  to  express  a  design  if  it  was  refused,  of 
returning  through  England.  The  same  confidential  agent  of 
Mons.  Talleyrand,  with  whom  he  had  formerly  conversed,  said 
to  him  on  learning  this,  that  it  would  give  great  offence  to  the 
government  of  France,  and  injure  him  in  the  opinion  of  his  own 
countrymen  ;  and  that  it  would  be  immediately  published  by 
this  government,  that  he  had  gone  to  England  to  receive  the 
wages  he  had  earned  by  breaking  off  the  treaty  with  France  ! 


LIFE   OF   ELIJRIDGE   GERRY.  231 

On  the  20th  April  he  addressed  to  Mons.  Tal 
leyrand  the  following  letter,  which  distinctly  dis 
closes  the  peculiar  and  painful  situation  in  which 
he  was  placed,  and  the  terms  which  by  a  perfect 
understanding  with  the  minister,  were  to  be  the 
conditions  of  his  continuance  in  the  French  capital. 


MR.  GERRY  TO  MONS.  TALLEYRAND. 

PARIS,  APRIL  20,  1798.     (1  FL.OREAL,  an  6.) 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, — My  colleagues  having  been 
under  the  necessity  of  departing  from  Paris,  have 
left  me  in  the  most  painful  situation  :  as  it  res 
pects  themselves,  the  government  and  nation  which 
I  had  the  honour  with  them  to  represent,  and  my 
personal  circumstances.  The  alternatives  present 
ed  to  my  choice,  were  the  continuance  of  my  resi 
dence  here,  or  an  immediate  rupture  on  my  de 
parture  ;  1  have  chosen  the  former,  prompted  by 
every  consideration  of  the  duty  I  owed  my  coun 
try. 

The  object  of  this  government  in  my  remaining 
here,  as  announced  in  your  official  note  of  the  14th 
Germinal,  (3d  April)  was  "  to  resume  our  recipro 
cal  communications  on  the  interests  of  the  French 
republic  and  of  the  United  States."  My  answer 
informed  you  that  "  I  could  only  confer  informally 
and  unaccredited,  on  any  subject  respecting  our 
mission,  and  communicate  to  the  government  of 


232  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  United  States  the  result  of  such  conferences  ; 
being  in  my  individual  capacity,  unauthorised  to 
give  them  an  official  stamp."     This  then  I  consid 
er  as  the  line  of  conduct  well  understood  to  be  ob 
served  on  my  part ;  and  in  the  present  state  of 
affairs,  citizen  minister,  I  flatter    myself,  that  pro 
positions   for   terminating   all  differences,    for  the 
restoration  of  harmony  arid  friendship,  and  for  the 
reestablishment  of  commerce  between  the  United 
States  and  France,  will   be  promptly  made  on  the 
part  of  the  latter  ;  that  they  will  be  such,  as  cor 
responding  with  the  justice  and  magnanimity  of 
this  great  nation,  and  with   sound  policy,  will  en 
sure  success ;  that  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  of 
soon  embarking  for   the   United  States,  and  pre 
senting  them  to  my  government  for  their  consider 
ation  ;    and   that  all  further  depredations   on  our 
commerce,  by  French  cruisers,  will  in  the  interim 
be  prohibited.     If  in  forming  this   arrangement  I 
can  render  any  services,  you  may  be  always  sure 
of  my  immediate  and  cheerful  cooperation. 

Measures  like  these  will  at  once  extinguish  those 
coals  of  discord,  which  kindled  into  a  flame,  must 
be  destructive  of  the  respective  interests  of  the 
two  republics  ;  will  not  only  restore,  but  increase, 
if  possible,  their- former  confidence  ;  and  terminate 
in  a  competition  for  excelling  each  other  in  mutual 
acts  of  generosity  and  kindness. 

In  any  event,  citizen  minister,  I  flatter  myself 
it  will  not  be  thought  necessary  for  me  to  remain 


LIFE  OF    ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  233 

long  in  France,  as  the  state  of  my  family  and  af 
fairs  requires  my  immediate  return  to  the  United 
States ;  and  as  their  consul-general  will  continue 
his  residence  here,  which,  pending  negotiation, 
will  answer  every  political  purpose.  I  pray  you, 
citizen  minister,  to  accept  the  assurances  of  my 
most  perfect  esteem  and  regard. 

E.  GERRY. 

To  the  minister  of  foreign  ailaira 
of  the  French  republic. 


Things  had  hardly  settled  on  these  new  terms, 
when  the  publication  of  the  despatches  of  the  en 
voys  to  the  American  government  returned  to  Eu 
rope,  and  put  the  people  as  well  as  government 
of  France  in  a  flame. 

Talleyrand  demanded  the  names  of  the  in 
triguers,  who  taking  advantage  of  the  insulated 
situation  in  which  the  envoys  had  kept  themselves, 
had  endeavoured  to  deceive  them,  and  of  whose 
devices  he  felicitated  Mr.  (Jerry  in  not  having 
been  the  dupe.  The  avowed  object  of  this  de 
mand  was  to  ascertain  for  the  official  information 
of  the  directory,  by  whom  had  been  made  the  pro 
position  of  money  for  corrupt  distribution. 

hi  compliance  with  this  request,  Mr.  Gerry 
communicated  the  real  names  of  the  parties,  who 
in  the  published  communications  of  the  envoys, 
had  been  by  the  American  secretary  of  state  dis 
tinguished  by  letters  of  the  alphabet. 

VOL.   n.  30 


234  LIFE    OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

On  the  26th  July,  Mr.  Gerry  quitted  Paris. 
The  interval  between  the  departure  of  his  col 
leagues  and  his  own,  was  passed  in  an  effort  of 
the  minister  to  enter  upon  negotiations  with  him, 
although  he  had  professed  his  entire  want  of  au 
thority  to  engage  in,  and  his  determination  under 
existing  circumstances,  even  if  he  had  the  authori 
ty,  to  decline  its  exercise. 

In    the    letters    which    passed   between    them, 
Mons.  Talleyrand   in   the  name  of  the  directory, 
announced   the  pacific   disposition  of  the  French 
government.     He    announced   the   willingness   of 
that  government  to  give  Mr.  Gerry  a  public  recep 
tion,   the   obtaining  of  which  he  declared  rested 
solely  on  himself.     The  demand  of  a  loan,    and 
explanation  for  president's  speeches,  were  aban 
doned  ;   a  regret  too   earnestly  urged  not  to  have 
been  sincere,  was  expressed   by  action  as  well  as 
language,   that  Mr.   Gerry  determined  to   depart, 
and  positive  assurances  were  given  of  the  recep 
tion  of  another  minister  in  his  place,  with  the  re 
spect  due  to  the  nation  he  would  represent.     To 
favour  the  belief  of  a  better  disposition,  than  had 
before  existed,   an  arrete   was   forwarded  to  Mr. 
Gerry  at  Havre,  restraining  the  irregular  and  vex 
atious  conduct  of  French  privateers  in  the  West 
India  seas,  and  assurances  given  that  all  other  ar 
rangements  should   conform   to  the   just  expecta 
tions  of  the  United  States. 

The   despatches  of  the  American   envoys   had 
produced  a  wonderful  excitement.     In   England, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  235 

as  well  as  in  America,  they  were  supposed  to  dis 
play  the  corruption  and  profligacy  of  the  govern 
ment  of  France,  and  unexampled  assiduity  was 
discovered  to  print  and  circulate  with  the  ut 
most  possible  publicity  copies  of  these  despatches 
through  every  part  of  Europe.  The  indignation 
of  the  directory  was  excited,  but  a  cooler  judg 
ment  suspended  its  effects. 

The  over  zealous  anxiety  of  England  to  in 
volve  the  two  nations  in  war,  indicated  to  the 
rulers  of  Erance  the  great  advantage  which  was 
expected  by  her  ancient  enemy  from  an  alliance 
with  the  United  States.  The  causes  from  which 
so  great  good  was  anticipated,  were  examined  and 
appreciated ;  the  power,  the  influence,  and  the 
character  of  the  American  people  were  more  care 
fully  ascertained.  The  strength  which  such  an 
union  would  bestow  on  the  last  enemy,  which  re 
mained  to  her,  and  a  growing  respect  for  the  for 
titude  and  resources  of  that  enemy,  changed  the 
councils  of  the  politic  directory  and  produced  that 
successful  negotiation,  which  by  a  change  of  their 
own  policy,  the  United  States  were  subsequently 
able  to  effect,  and  after  a  short  interval  of  ambig 
uous  hostility  confirmed  the  two  nations  in  the  re 
lations  of  peace. 

The  excitement  occasioned  in  the  United  States, 
by  the  publication  of  the  despatches  of  the  envoys, 
was  almost  unexampled. 

The  demand  of  money  for  corrupt  distribution, 


236  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

was  considered  not  merely  as  evidence  of  the 
baseness  and  venality  of  an  unprincipled  govern 
ment,  but  resented  as  an  insult  on  the  integrity  of 
the  United  States.  The  proposed  loan,  which 
certainly  was  no  uncommon  thing  in  national  di 
plomacy,  was  connected  without  much  judgment 
in  the  public  mind  \vith  the  bribe,  which  was  to 
precede  it ;  and  those  who  were  not  influenced  by 
questions  of  pretended  honour,  W7ere  terrified  by 
danger  of  national  ruin. 

A  war  fever,  producing  that  delirium  which  is 
the  usual  accompaniment  of  such  an  epidemic, 
spread  rapidly  through  the  country,  and  was  in 
flamed  and  aggravated  by  men,  who  in  a  subse 
quent  period  of  our  history  discovered  war  to  be 
among  the  most  terrible  of  all  national  calamities. 

An  impression  was  made  on  popular  opinion 
favourable  to  the  administration  of  the  national 
government,  so  that  the  opposition,  which  had  be 
fore  nearly  or  quite  divided  the  physical  strength 
of  the  country,  rapidly  lost  its  numerical  force. 
In  the  excitement,  and  under  the  delusion  of  the 
moment,  the  residence  of  Mr.  Gerry  at  Paris,  was 
severely  censured  by  the  administration,  and  his 
immediate  recall  announced  by  the  secretary  of 
state,  in  a  letter  which  hardly  preserved  the  form 
of  official  civility.* 

*  This  letter  bearing  date  25th  June  1798,  was  communicated 
to  congress  with  the  president's  message  covering  Mr.  Gerry's 
despatches,  and  to  most  readers  not  particularly  attentive  to 
dates,  it  would  seem  that  his  remaining  in  France  was  in  viola- 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  237 

Preparation  was  made  for  a  war,  which  was  in 
tended  to  demonstrate  the  greatness  and  glory  of 
the  United  States.  Its  burthens  could  hardly  be 
felt  at  such  a  moment  of  unnatural  irritation.  The 
condition,  which  the  great  party  who  had  been  in 
opposition  to  the  then  administration  had  endeav 
oured  to  avert,  appeared  now  rapidly  approaching:, 
while  they  had  for  a  time  at  least,  lost  that  hold 
on  the  good  opinion  of  the  public,  which  could 
alone  enable  them  to  prevent  it. 

Mr.  Gerry  arrived  in  the  United  States  on  the 
1st  October  1798,  and  communicated -to  the  secre 
tary  of  state  the  letters  which  had  passed  between 
him  and  the  French  minister  since  the  departure  of 
his]  colleagues  from  Paris,  with  other  proceedings 
already  adverted  to. 

These  despatches  were  laid  before  congress  on 
the  1.0th  of  January  1799.  Unwilling  however  to 
permit  them  to  go  alone,  and  apprehensive  of  the 
effect,  which  they  might  produce  on  the  republi 
can  party,  broken  in  a  good  degree  and  disabled, 
but  by  no  means  annihilated,  the  secretary  follow 
ed  them  by  a  commentary,  intended  no  doubt  to 
overwhelm  Mr.  C Jerry  with  irretrievable  disgrace, 
to  support  the  high  and  lofty  pretensions  of  the 
government,  to  keep  up  that  fervour  without  which 
armies,  navies,  taxes,  and  the  appendages  of  milita- 

tion  of  its  order.  But  this  letter  was  never  received  by  Mr.  Ger 
ry.  If  it  was  ever  sent  to  Europe,  it  passed  him  on  his  return. 
"  My  first  knowledge  of  its  existence,"  he  says  in  a  letter  to  the 
president,  "  was  in  the  public  newspaper." 


238  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

ry  institutions  could  not  derive  support,  to  gather 
round  the  administration  the  pride,  patriotism  and 
wealth  of  the  nation,  and  to  expose  its  opponents 
to  disgrace,  as  aliens  to  the  interest  and  welfare 
of  their  country. 

There  commenced  at  this  moment  a  series  of 
measures  which  has  marked  the  succeeding  period 
as  the  epoch  of  the  reign  of  terror.  The  leaders 
of  the  dominant  party  were  carrying  their  policy  to 
extremes,  which  alarmed  the  eminent  citizen  who 
presided  in  the  councils  of  the  country,  and  al 
though  checked  and  controlled  by  his  firmness  and 
the  reproof  which  he  bestowed  on  the  most  distin 
guished  of  those  concerned,  and  particularly  on 
the  secretary  of  state,  whom  he  dismissed  from 
his  station,  it  produced  such  reaction  in  the  public 
mind,  as  to  destroy  forever  the  ascendency  of  the 
federal  party  in  the  United  States. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  239 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Commentary  on  the  mission  to  France,  and  strictures  on  colonel 
Pickering's  publications  in  relation  to  it. 

THE  most  obvious  subject  of  remark,  on  a  re 
view  of  this  extraordinary  mission,  is  the  submis 
sion  of  the  envoys  to  communications  with  indi 
viduals  producing  no  evidence  of  official  rank  ;  the 
affected  secrecy  of  these  intrusive  agents  ;  and 
the  great  consequence  given  to  the  affair,  by  the 
minute  recapitulation  of  every  trifling  circum 
stance,  in  official  despatches  to  the  American 


government. 


If  the  conduct  of  the  envoys  in  these  undignifi 
ed  conferences  was  evidence  of  their  anxiety  for 
peace,  the  detailed  communication,  which  they 
made  of  it,  was  not  less  calculated  for  war.  It 
is  a  single  instance  in  the  history  of  public  mis 
sions  that  so  much  should  be  recounted,  where 
so  little  was  performed  ;  although  it  cannot  be 
believed  that  the  republican  envoys  were  indeed 
the  first  on  whom  the  arts  of  European  diplomacy 
were  essayed. 

But  the  censure,  if  deserved,  is  divisible  among 
all  the  members  of  the  embassy.  In  the  report 
of  the  secretary  of  state,  the  dissent  of  one  of 
them  is  no  where  intimated,  although  he  was 


240  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

aware  that  on  the  20th  October  Mr.  Gerry  pro 
posed  to  his  colleagues  that  they  should  put  an 
end  to  all  informal  negotiation. 

It  was  so  determined  ;  and  the  only  subject  of 
regret,  for  which  all  of  them  are  to  account,  is 
found  in  their  departure  from  this  judicious  reso 
lution. 

The  preference  and  selection  of  Mr.  Gerry 
from  his  colleagues,  by  the  minister  of  the  direc 
tory,  is  the  next  subject  of  remark,  and  has  been 
most  adroitly  used  to  the  injury  of  his  fame. 

To  be  selected  by  an  enemy  implies  treachery 
to  a  friend.  It  has  been  said  with  sarcastic  impu 
tation,  that  if  the  French  government  could  treat 
with  him  and  not  with  his  colleagues,  he  must 
have  been  less  attached  to  America  than  they 
were,  or  more  subservient  than  they  would  be  to 
the  interests  of  France.  The  insinuation  is  made 
with  something  of  temper  in  the  journal  of  one  of 
the  envoys,  it  is  brought  forward  in  the  report  of 
the  American  secretary,  and  alleged  in  plainer 
terms  in  his  subsequent  review. 

Could  the  inference  be  well  drawn  the  fact 
would  indeed  be  disgraceful ;  but  it  is  not  per 
ceived  why,  if  any  dependence  is  to  be  placed  on 
the  allegations  of  the  French  minister,  his  whole 
statement  should  not  be  received  with  equal  credit, 
and  why  therefore  his  refusal  to  receive  Messrs. 
Marshall  and  Pinckney  as  envoys  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  pretence  that  they  were  English- 


LIFE  OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  241 

men  in  their  principles  and  policy,  does  not  as  well 
establish  that  position,  as  his  readiness  to  receive 
Mr.  Gerry  proves  him  to  have  been  French?  The 
truth  is  that  no  fair  deduction,  except  a  desire  to 
sow  discord  in  the  embassy  and  the  country,  can 
justly  be  made  from  the  conduct  of  this  artful 
diplomatist.* 

Neither  his  language  nor  his  conduct  should  be 
received  as  evidence  against  the  agents  of  the 
United  States.  It  was  not  what  he  thought,  but 
what  they  did  ;  not  his  imputations  but  their  con 
duct,  which  establishes  their  character.  The  two 
honourable  men,  on  whom  his  offensive  neglect 
and  pretended  suspicion  would  fasten  the  traitor 
ous  charge  of  being  Englishmen  at  heart,  refuted 
the  slander  by  the  patriotism  of  their  lives  ;  and 
the  other,  whom  his  insidious  flattery  chose  to  in 
dicate  as  devoted  to  France,  held  the  same  shield 
against  his  disreputable  imputation.  The  rejec 
tion  of  the  two  envoys,  on  the  pretence  of  their 

*  Mons.  Talleyrand's  own  reasons  for  his  preference  of  Mr. 
Gerry,  and  rejection  of  his  colleagues,  were  thus  subsequently 
stated. 

"The  advantages  thnt  I  prized  in  him,  nre  common  to  all 
Americans  who  have  not  manifested  a  predilection  for  England. 
Can  it  be  believed  that  a  man  who  should  profess  a  hatred  or 
contempt  of  the  French  republic,  or  should  manifest  himself  the 
advocate  for  royalty,  can  inspire  the  directory  with  a  favourable 
opinion  of  the  government  of  the  United  States.  I  should  have 
disguised  the  truth  if  I  had  left  this  matter  ambiguous.  It  is  not 
to  wound  the  independence  of  that  government  to  point  out  to  a 
sincere  friend  of  peace  the  shoals  he  ought  to  avoid." — Talleyrand 
to  Pichon,  28th  August  1798. 

VOL.     II.  31 


242  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

affiliation  with  English  politics,  was  in  accordance 
with  the  lan^ua^e  of  intemperate  passion,  with 
which  a  party  in  their  own  country  charged  a 
whole  class  of  their  fellow  citizens  ;  the  selection 
of  the  other,  on  the  suggestion  that  he  was  more 
attached  to  the  schemes  of  the  directory,  was  an 
other  form  of  perpetuating  those  libels,  with  which 
another  class  of  the  American  public  was  assailed 
at  home.  They  are  solemn  warnings  of  the  effect 
produced  abroad  by  internal  dissension.  In  other 
respects  they  are  entitled  to  no  regard.  They 
are  equally  unfounded  and  despicable.  The  tri 
umvirate  had  but  one  heart,  and  that  was  Ameri 
can  to  its  core. 

The  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  the  name  of 
the  directory,  announced,  "  that  they  were  dis 
posed  to  treat  with  that  one  of  the  three,  whose 
opinions,  presumed  to  be  more  impartial,  promise 
in  the  course  of  the  explanations  more  of  that  re 
ciprocal  confidence  which  is  indispensable." 

What  were  those  opinions  ?  The  secretary  of 
state  infers  that  they  regarded  points  in  connexion 
with  the  embassy,  and  would  imply  some  willing 
ness  to  yield  in  negotiation  what  the  others  would 
withhold.  This  imputation  is  unfair  and  gratui 
tous.  Mr.  Gerry,  in  a  commentary  on  this  part  of 
the  secretary^  report  presented  to  the  president, 
remarks  : 

"  Whatever  was  presumed  of  my  opinions,  no 
person  at  that  time  knew  any  thing  of  them  in 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  243 

regard  to  the  embassy,  except  the  envoys,  and 
therefore  no  comparison  could  possibly  be  made 
between  our  opinions,  if  different  in  this  respect. 
But  Talleyrand  was  informed  of  some  opinions  of 
my  colleagues,  as  he  said,  not  relating  to  the  em 
bassy,  which  had  produced  embarrassment  and 
dissatisfaction.  I  carefully  avoided  uttering  or 
writing  any  thing  in  regard  to  France,  that  might 
oiTcnd  either  the  government  or  people.  When 
I  mixed  with  French  citizens,  I  treated  them  with 
attention  and  civility.  Jf  this  conduct  of  mine 
led  the  French  government  to  think  that  my 
opinions  were  more  impartial  than  my  colleagues 
it  is  not  a  matter,  which  Mr.  Pickering  was  au 
thorized  to  censure.  "As  to  the  prince  to  whom  he 
is  sent,  the  ambassador  should  remember  that  his 
ministry  is  a  ministry  of  peace,  and  that  on  this 
footing  alone  he  is  received  ;  this  reason  inter 
dicts  every  evil  practice  to  him.  Speaking  ili 
of  the  French  government  or  nation  would  have 
been  an  evil  practice.  I  wras  justified  in  avoiding 
it.  Civility  required  a  return  of  courtesies  and 
attention  ;  I  could  not  dispense  with  the  claims  of 
decorum.  Some  letters  of  the  other  envoys  were 
intercepted  ;  what  they  contained  I  know  not,  but 
we  were  all  alarmed  on  the  occasion,  and  thought 
it  best  to  conceal  our  papers,  lest  a  general  order 
for  seizing  them  should  be  the  consequence.  It 
was  generally  understood  that  the  opinions,  which 
rendered  the  other  envoys  obnoxious  in  France, 


244  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

were  irrelevant  to  the  embassy,  fraught,  according 
to  the  French  representations,  with  prejudices 
against  the  French  government  and  nation.  No 
thing  can  therefore  be  more  untrue  than  that  the 
disposition  of  the  directory  to  treat  with  me  was 
the  result  of  my  not  having  as  invincible  a  deter 
mination  not  to  surrender  the  honour,  the  interest, 
or  the  independence  of  my  country,  as  either  of 
my  colleagues." 

It  would  seem  from  the  foregoing  remarks,  that 
a  belief  of  Mr.  Gerry's  impartiality,  in  compari 
son  with  the  other  envoys,  resulted  less  from  any 
knowledge  of  his  opinions,  than  by  the  discovery  of 
theirs  ;  less  from  his  being  supposed  to  be  friendly, 
than  because  they  were  known  or  suspected  to  be 
hostile. 

Upon  the  subject  of  opinion  however,  which 
under  the  management  of  the  secretary  of  state, 
in  his  official  and  subsequent  publications,  did 
much  to  impair  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Gerry,  it 
may  be  well  to  enquire  how  far  it  enters  into  the 
appropriate  character  of  a  minister  of  peace.  Why, 
it  may  be  asked,  was  Mr.  Gerry  selected  by  the 
president,  or  opposed  by  his  cabinet,  but  because 
they  believed  his  opinion  of  the  proper  American 
policy  differed  in  some  respects  from  the  party  in 
power  ?  Why  did  Mr.  Hamilton  propose  Jefferson 
or  Madison  as  one  of  a  mission  to  France,  to  be 
joined  by  two  citizens  of  the  federal  party,  with 
whom,  on  great  questions  of  American  policy, 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  245 

their  opinions  essentially  differed  ?  Why  was  Mr. 
Jay  selected  for  a  previous  negotiation  with  Eng 
land  but  for  this,  among  other  reasons,  that  his 
opinions  presented  no  such  obstacles  to  a  treaty, 
as  would  be  found  in  the  opinions  of  Jefferson, 
Madison,  or  their  friends  ?  Why  was  not  Mr. 
Cabot  selected,  who  had  been  recommended  by 
Mr.  Ames  ?  "  Because,"  says  president  Adams, 
"  I  knew  his  character  and  connexions  were  as 
well  known  in  France,  particularly  by  Talleyrand, 
as  Mr.  Gerry's  were.  It  would  have  been  inex 
cusable  in  me  to  hazard  the  success  of  the  mission 
merely  to  gratify  the  passions  of  a  party."  Hence 
because  of  a  difference  of  opinion  between  Mr. 
Cabot  and  Mr.  Gerry,  the  latter  was  preferred  by 
the  president  of  the  United  States.  When  Mr. 
Monroe  was  sent  to  France,  it  was  distinctly  inti 
mated  that  he  was  selected  because  he  had  entered 
into  the  measures  of  her  policy,  and  had  repeat 
edly  expressed  his  wishes  for  her  success.  When 
that  gentleman  was  recalled,  "  the  choice  of  a 
person  in  all  respects  qualified  for  the  mission  was 
not  without  its  difficulty.  While  a  disposition 
towards  the  administration,  in  which  implicit  con 
fidence  might  be  placed,  was  a  requisite  not  to  be 
dispensed  with,  it  was  also  desirable  that  the  per 
son  employed  should  have  given  no  umbrage  to 
the  French  government.  No  individual  who  had 
performed  a  conspicuous  part  on  the  political  theatre 
of  America  fitted  both  branches  of  this  descrip- 


246  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

tion.  All  who  had  advocated  in  public  with  zeal 
and  with  talents,  the  measures  of  the  American 
government,  had  been  marked  as  the  enemies  of 
France,  and  were  on  this  account  to  be  avoided."* 
Personal  opinions,  not  unfavourable  to  France, 
were  qualifications  essential  to  a  candidate,  in  the 
opinion  of  Washington ;  and  the  historian,  who 
mentions  the  circumstance,  does  it  in  a  manner, 
which  admits  its  obvious  propriety. 

Notwithstanding  the  odium,  which  the  well  dis 
ciplined  enemies  of  Mr.  Gerry  were  able  to  cast 
upon  him,  because  his  supposed  opinions  recom 
mended  him  to  the  favour  of  the  government  of 
France,  they  knew  that  this  favour  was  not  per 
sonal  to  him,  any  more  than  his  opinions  were ; 
but  that  both  opinions  and  favour  belonged  to  the 
whole  political  class,  of  which  he  was  a  member, 
and  whom  the  French  statesmen  ignorantly  be 
lieved  to  be  attached  to  their  interest.  Thus  Mr. 
Pinckney  wrote  to  the  department  of  state, 
"  Those  who  regard  us  as  being  of  some  conse 
quence,  seem  to  have  taken  up  an  idea  that  our 
government  acts  upon  principles  opposed  to  the 
real  sentiments  of  a  large  majority  of  our  people, 
and  they  are  willing  to  temporize,  until  the  event 
of  the  election  of  president  is  known  ;  thinking  if 
one  public  character  Adams  is  chosen,  he  will  be 
attached  to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain,  and  that 
if  another  character  Jefferson  is  elected,  he  will  be 

*  Marshall's  Washington,  5  vol.  p.  618. 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  247 

(to  use  the  expression  of  Dupont  de  Nemours  hi 
the  council  of  Ancients,)  devoted  to  the  interests 
of  France." 

The  opinions,  for  which  Talleyrand  chose  to 
prefer  Mr.  Gerry,  were  those  for  which  Mr.  Mon 
roe  had  been  selected,  those  which  Washington 
supposed  his  colleague  Pinckney  entertained ; 
for  the  selecting  of  whom  on  that  account,  his 
other  colleague  Marshall  had  lauded  the  first 
president  of  the  United  States.  Why  the  favour 
shown  to  him  by  the  French  ministry,  because  of 
those  opinions,  should  be  supposed  to  imply  a 
dereliction  of  duty,  is  to  be  accounted  for  only 
by  that  intemperance  of  party  spirit,  which  first 
excites  popular  vengeance,  and  then  devotes  its 
victims  on  its  unappeasable  altar. 

That  the  French  directory  failed  in  its  just  re 
spect  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  by 
pretending  to  doubt  the  competency  or  the  honour 
of  the  colleagues  of  Mr.  Gerry,  because  of  their 
opinions,  is  readily  granted.  The  disgrace  does 
not  attach  to  them.  That  the  .haughty  ministers 
of  the  republic  might  be  expected  to  take  such 
course,  seems  to  have  been  anticipated,  by  care  in 
other  instances  to  prevent  it.  Its  indecorum  was 
no  security  against,  its  adoption.  Nor  was  it  ap 
plied  solely  to  the  United  States.  When  nego 
tiations  were  proposed  by  lord  Grenville  on  the 
part  of  England,  in  June  1797  to  conclude  peace, 
"  the  directory  being  informed,  that  the  same 


248  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

minister,  lord  Malmsbury,  was  deputed,  Mons. 
De  la  Croix  signified  the  consent  of  the  directory 
that  negotiations  should  be  opened  with  lord 
Malmsbury,  another  choice  would  however  have 
appeared  to  the  directory  to  have  argued  more  fa 
vourably  to  the  speedy  conclusion  of  peace."  * 

It  is  no  where  alleged,  in  express  terms,  that 
any  opinion  of  Mr.  Gerry  favoured  a  compliance 
with  the  demand  of  money  for  corrupt  distribution, 
but  the  language  of  Mr.  Pickering's  publications 
authorizes  the  inference,  that  in  this  respect  Mr. 
Gerry  was  more  practicable  than  his  colleagues. 

Upon  this  subject,  Mr.  Gerry  who  saw  only  the 
secretary's  report,  as  he  died  before  the  review 
was  written,  has  the  following  memoranda.  The 
injustice  of  Mr.  Pickering's  language  is  still  more 
manifest  in  regard  to  the  much  talked  of  do- 
ceur,  inasmuch  as  the  envoys,  when  it  was  first 
proposed,  replied,  u  if  we  could  see  in  France,  a 
temper  sincerely  friendly  to  the  United  States, 
we  might  not  regard  a  little  money,  such  as  is 
stated  to  be  usual,  although  we  should  hazard 
ourselves  by  giving  it."  I  am  content  to  bear  my 
proportion  of  blame  in  this  respect,  although  I  did 
not  make  the  declaration  or  propose  the  answer ; 
but  I  can  see  no  fairness  in  attempts  to  load  me 
with  censure,  while  this,  which  was  the  most  re 
prehensible  measure  of  the  embassy,  is  passed  in 
silence,  because  it  came  from  my  colleagues. 

*  Belsham's  Geo.  3.  vol.  v.  p.  379. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  249 

From  the  history  of  the  embassy  already  nar 
rated,  occasion  was  taken  to  allege  that  Mr. 
Gerry  was  improperly  engaged  in  separate  inter 
views  and  secret  negotiation  with  M.  Talleyrand. 
Such  charges  make  a  figure  in  the  report  of  the 
American  secretary,  are  set  down  in  the  journal 
of  his  colleague,  and  are  enlarged  upon  and  cen 
sured  in  a  commentary  on  his  conduct,  subse 
quently  published  by  Mr.  Pickering. 

There  is  something  disreputable  in  secrecy  and 
separation ;  and  the  charge  is  odious  enough  to 
gain  attention,  for  whatever  is  vituperative  excites 
curiosity,  and  there  is  always  malignity  enough 
to  delight  in  defamation. 

With  how  much  exaggeration  this  matter  has 
been  stated,  will  be  seen  by  the  following  extract 
from  the  controversial  publication  of  Mr.  Pick 
ering,  lie  says  :*  "  Thus  slighted,  thus  insulted, 
and  kept  at  an  offensive  distance,  Pinckney  and 
Marshall  would  not  make  to  Talleyrand,  what  he 
desired,  inofficial  visits  to  discuss  official  business. 
Mr.  Gerry  however  because  he  had  seen  Tal 
leyrand  in  the  United  States,  in  the  form  of  an 
emigrant  was  pleased,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of 
both  his  colleagues,  to  make  him  an  early  visit." 

This  statement  is  in  contradiction  to  the  official 
despatches  of  all  the  envoys,  in  which  they  say 
that  general  Pinckney  and  general  Marshall  not 

*  Pickering's  Review,  p.  116. 
VOL.   II.  32 


250  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

being  acquainted  with  M.  Talleyrand,  could  not 
with  propriety  call  on  him  ;  but  that  according  to 
the  custom  of  France,  he  might  expect  this  of  Mr. 
Gerry,  from  a  previous  acquaintance  in  America.* 
A  singular  reason  truly  for  either  going  or  refusing 
to  go,  but  an  absolute  negative  of  the  injurious  al 
legation  before  cited.  Separated  as  the  envoys 
were  from  any  regular  intercourse  with  the  agents 
of  the  directory,  and  suspected  as  they  knew 
themselves  to  be  of  a  disinclination  to  practicable 
terms  of  peace,  a  scrupulous  regard  to  etiquette, 
and  a  voluntary  seclusion  from  favourable  chances 
of  breaking  down  unreasonable  prejudice,  were  not 
calculated  to  accomplish  the  object  of  their  mis 
sion,  f 

*  American  state  papers  from  1797  to  1801,  p.  190. 

f  Personal  intercourse  between  diplomatic  agents  and  the 
government  to  which  they  are  sent,  has  ordinarily  been  consid 
ered  so  important,  that  forms  of  etiquette  and  ceremony  have 
rarely  prevented  its  being  enjoyed.  "  Inofficial  visits  to  discuss 
official  business"  have  greatly  expedited  desired  results.  For 
reasons  satisfactory  to  itself,  the  American  government  notified 
Mr.  Jackson  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  king  of  Great 
Britain  to  the  United  States,  that  all  future  discussion  was  to  be 
in  the  written  form.  His  majesty's  envoy  chose  to  treat  it  as  a 
great  indignity.  "  Considering  that  a  very  few  days  have 
elapsed  since  I  delivered  to  the  president  a  credential  letter  from 
the  king,  my  master,  and  that  nothing  has  been  even  alleged  to 
deprive  me  of  the  facility  of  access,  and  of  the  credit  to  which,  by 
immemorial  usage,  I  am  entitled,  1  believe  there  does  not  ex 
ist  in  the  annals  of  diplomacy,  a  precedent  for  such  a  determina 
tion  between  two  ministers  who  have  met  for  the  avowed  pur 
pose  of  terminating  amicably  the  existing  differences  between 
their  respective  countries,  but  after  mature  reflection  I  am  in- 

ced  to  acquiesce  in  it  by  the  recollection  of  the  time  that  must 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  251 

Iii  a  note  on  the  separation  from  his  colleagues, 
as  the  charge  stands  in  the  secretary's  report,  Mr. 
Gerry  remarks,  "  If  my  conferences  are  complain 
ed  of  because  they  were  separate,  the  other  en 
voys  were  the  cause.  On  the  30th  December, 
when  Talleyrand  expressed  a  wish  to  see  me  on 
5th  January,  in  order  to  make  some  communica 
tions,  I  noted  the  particulars,  and  soon  after  im 
parted  them  to  my  colleagues,  informing  them 
that  the  conference  proposed  by  Mons.  Talley 
rand  was  a  measure,  which  I  could  not  accede  to, 
unless  sanctioned  by  them  ;  that  if  they  conceived 
no  injury  could  result  from  it,  and  that  it  might 
give  some  information  to  them,  which  might  be 
useful,  I  would  meet  the  minister,  otherwise  I  must 
decline,  let  the  consequences  be  what  they  might 
to  myself,  since  good  intentions  are  not  all  that  is 
expected  of  negotiators,  who  are  often  calumniated 

necessarily  elapse,  before  I  can  receive  his  majesty's  commands 
upon  so  unexpected  occurrence,  and  of  the  detriment  that  would 
ensue  to  the  public  service  if  my  functions  were  in  the  interval 
to  be  altogether  suspended.  I  shall  therefore  content  myself 
with  entering  my  protest  against  a  proceeding,  which  1  can  con 
sider  in  no  other  light  than  as  a  violation  in  my  person,  of  th« 
most  essential  rights  of  a  public  minister  when  adopted  as  in 
the  present  case,  without  any  alleged  misconduct  on  his  part. 
As  a  matter  of  opinion,  I  cannot  own  I  assent  to  the  preference 
which  you  give  to  written,  over  verbal  intercourse  for  the  pur 
pose  of  mutual  explanation  and  accommodation.  American 
state  papers,  vol.  4.  p.  11.  These  "  inotlicial  visits  to  discuss  of 
ficial  business,"  which  Mr.  Jackson  deemed  it  essential  to  preserve 
by  solemn  protest,  and  which  two  of  the  envoys  to  France  would 
not  permit,  because  they  were  not  acquainted  with  Mons.  Tal 
leyrand,  is  charged  as  a  great  fault  on  Mr.  Gerry  !  Pickering'* 
Review,  p.  110. 


252  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

for  measures  truly  meritorious.  These  were  my 
words  to  the  other  envoys,  and  they  sanctioned 
the  meeting.  Attempts  to  meet  the  minister  be 
tween  the  25th  of  January  and  2d  February,  hav 
ing  failed,  I  informed  general  Pinckney  that  it 
was  again  proposed  I  should  call  on  M.  Talley 
rand  on  that  day,  and  that  I  wished  to  confer  with 
him  and  general  Marshall  on  that  subject.  We  all 
met,  and  I  desired  the  other  envoys  to  express  their 
opinions,  because  if  they  thought  best,  I  would 
excuse  myself  directly,  if  riot,  I  wished  to  know 
how  to  conduct  myself  in  case  of  new  propositions. 
We  all  agreed  that  I  ought  to  go,  and  were  decisive 
against  a  loan.  On  the  1st  March,  the  last  of  the 
days  of  the  conferences,  the  secretary  of  Mons. 
Talleyrand  called  on  me,  and  said  the  minister 
wished  to  see  me.  I  waited  on  him  and  he  stated 
that  he  had  appointed  an  interview  for  the  en 
voys  on  the  2d,  but  he  would  confer  with  me  on 
the  subject  then.  I  answered  no.  I  prefer  a  con 
ference  in  company  with  my  colleagues,  but  that 
if  he  would  give  his  ideas  of  the  general  principles 
of  a  treaty,  such  as  France  desired,  I  would  pro 
pose  to  my  colleagues  that  we  should  return  him 
a  counter  project,  but  he  declined  it,  saying  it 
would  give  the  directory  unnecessary  trouble,  that 
if  the  proposition  of  a  loan  was  adjusted,  every 
thing  else  could  be  accommodated  without  difficul 
ty.  On  this  we  parted.  Everything  that  passed 
at  these  interviews,  except  what  related  to  the 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  253 

inadmissible  proposition  to  me  to  treat  separately, 
was  communicated  to  my  colleagues,  and  the  Oc 
tober  and  December  conferences  are  published." 

Terrible  as  seemed  at  first  to  these  ceremoni 
ous  envoys,  the  degradation  of  making  inofficial 
visits  to  discuss  official  business,  they  nevertheless 
afterwards  solicited  and  accepted  an  opportunity 
of  doing  the  very  thing.  "  Events  of  magnitude 
affecting  the  United  States  induced  them  to  de 
part  from  this  determination."4 

The  difference  then  between  Mr.  Gerry's  con 
duct  and  his  colleagues  was,  that  he  did  early 
what  they  did  late.  He  found  events  of  magnitude 
affecting  the  interests  of  the  United  States  on  his 
first  arrival ;  they  did  not  permit  them  to  influence 
their  conduct  until  the  animosity  of  the  French 
government  burst  into  a  storm. 

There  can  be  no  principle  involved  in  this  form 
of  intercourse,  for  certainly  principle  could  not 
yield  to  events  differing  only  in  a  few  degrees  of 
magnitude. 

It  is  not  easy  to  perceive  why  the  envoys  might 
not  as  well  see,  converse  and  confer  with  Talley 
rand,  as  write  to  him.  The  minister  was  not  the 
government,  nor  as  far  as  the  Americans  were  con 
cerned,  the  authorised  agent  of  the  government. 
The  directory,  the  supreme  power  of  the  state, 
it  was  well  known  to  them,  had  not  authorised 
communications  usual  between  ambassadors  and 

*  Pickering's  Review,  p.  11(1. 


254  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  nation,  to  which  they  are  deputed.  Yet  unac 
credited  and  unacknowledged,  they  were  willing 
to  write  ;  but  to  two  of  them,  and  to  the  American 
secretary,  inofficial  visits  seemed  vastly  objection 
able,  and  letters,  which  could  merit  no  other  ap 
pellation,  quite  admissible. 

The  reluctance  of  Mr.  Gerry  was  not  to  an  in 
terview  with  the  minister,  which  he  much  preferred 
to  a  conference  with  his  agents,  but  to  a  separate 
interview,  which  divided  him  from  his  colleagues. 
His  attempts  to  prevent  a  separation  were  inces 
sant,  and  as  curious  as  they  were  unavailing. 

Mons.  Hauteval,  designated  in  the  despatches  as 
Z,  introduced  the  American  and  French  minister 
as  stated  by  him  in  his  printed  account. 

The  civility,  thus  paid  by  one  member  of  the 
embassy  in  his  private  capacity  to  the  individual 
holding  the  portfolio  of  the  foreign  department, 
was  returned  by  the  customary  politeness  of  an 
invitation  to  a  dinner.  Mr.  Gerry  accepted  it, 
chiefly  that  on  returning  it  he  might  break  down 
that  wall  of  partition,  \vhich  a  misjudged  ceremo 
ny  prevented  the  envoys  from  attempting  to  pass. 
This  dinner  will  furnish  a  subject  for  remark,  but 
here  it  is  proper  to  attend  to  the  one  given  by  the 
American  in  return. 

Mons.  Talleyrand  accepted  an  invitation  to  dine 
with  Mr.  Gerry,  and  both  his  colleagues,  the  ladies 
of  their  family,  and  several  Americans  and  French 
men  were  collected  at  the  festival. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  CE11RY,  255 

The  culinary  art  was  taxed  to  make  the  com 
pany  agreeable.  "  I  considered  it,"  Mr.  Gerry 
remarks  in  his  diary,  "  a  dinner  of  business,  and 
hoped  if  my  colleagues  could  not  write,  and  would 
not  visit,  they  might  possibly  eat  and  drink  them 
selves  into  notice ;  but  it  was  a  terribly  dull  affair. 
I  tried  what  I  could  at  a  compliment,  and  gave  as 
a  toast,  The  government  and  citizens  of  the 
French  republic  ;  in  expectation  it  would  be  drank 
cheerfully,  and  the  sentiment  reciprocated,  but  it 
wras  not  till  after  some  delay,  and  as  was  suggest 
ed  not  very  great  satisfaction,  the  minister  gave 
La  liberte  de  mcr. 

Mons.  Darchc  who  is  at  the  head  of  the  bureau 
for  American  affairs  was  present.  It  is  since  said 
he  is  placed  there  as  a  check  on  Talleyrand,  but 
whether  his  presence  or  that  of  any  Americans 
who  wrere  there,  or  what  else  marred  the  freedom 
of  this  interview,  I  know  not." 

The  displeasure,  if  any  existed,  was  not  person 
al  to  Mr.  Gerry.  After  dinner  an  intimation  was 
made  to  him  that  Talleyrand  was  about  to  give  a 
grand  ball  to  general  and  madamc  Bonaparte,  at 
which  Mr.  Gerry  would  be  invited  to  attend. 

"  1  desired  Mr.  Bellamy,  who  communicated 
this  notice,"  Mr.  Gerry  continues,  "  not  to  allow 
a  card  to  be  sent  to  me,  as  I  should  be  obliged  to 
decline  if  it  came  to  me  alone.  Afterwards  I  in 
formed  my  colleagues  candidly  that  my  situation 
was  painful  beyond  all  conception  ;  that  when  I 


256  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

left  the  United  States  I  determined  to  make  every 
possible  personal  sacrifice  for  the  great  objects  of 
the  mission,  and  to  accord  with  my  colleagues,  or 
quit  the  embassy  ,•  that  when  it  was  deemed  pro 
per  for  me,  having  had  with  Talleyrand  some  ac 
quaintance  in  the  United  States,  to  pay  him  a 
visit,  I  had  submitted  to  it  as  a  sacrifice  of  my 
own  feelings  ;  that  the  minister's  attentions  to  me 
separately,  which  have  been  the  result  of  that 
visit,  have  been  extremely  painful,  however  oblig 
ing  under  existing  prejudices,  they  may  be  thought 
here  on  the  part  of  Talleyrand  ;  that  I  have  spared 
no  pains  to  promote  an  extension  to  my  colleagues 
of  the  same  attentions  trifling  as  they  are,  under 
an  impression  that  personal  interviews  with  the 
department  of  state  might  cure  existing  personal 
prejudices,  that  this  dinner  is  the  only  one  I  have 
been  able  to  accomplish  or  am  likely  to ;  that  as 
to  the  proposed  compliment  from  Talleyrand,  I 
shall  do  as  the  envoys  advise." 

A  card  was  sent  to  Mr.  Gerry  for  this  ball,  and 
none  to  his  colleagues,  who  notwithstanding  the 
introduction  made  at  the  dinner,  had  neglected 
calling  on  the  minister,  and  according  to  French 
etiquette  were  not  entitled  to  expect  an  invitation. 
Mr.  Gerry's  diary  proceeds,  "  I  had  of  course  de 
termined  to  send  my  apology  ;  14  Nivose  being 
the  day  appointed,  the  secretary  of  Talleyrand 
came  in  while  I  was  at  breakfast,  and  said  he  was 
from  the  minister,  who  had  charged  him  to  inform 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  267 

me  that  he  depended  on  seeing  me  in  the  evening, 
that  the  directory  would  be  there,  that  they  would 
know  of  the  invitation,  and  might  consider  my  ab 
sence  as  a  want  of  respect ;  that  Mons.  Talleyrand 
would  probably  introduce  me  to  them,  and  that  it 
might  advance  the  business  of  the  mission  ;  at  the 
same  time  he  presented  a  card  of  invitation  to  my 
secretary,  which  he  said  was  an  extraordinary  civi 
lity.  I  was  distressed  by  the  information,  and 
asked  general  Marshall's  opinion  on  the  proper 
measure  to  be  pursued.  He  said  he  thought  I 
ought  to  have  been  left  to  accept  or  not  without 
being  thus  urged,  and  that  the  decision  must  rest 
on  myself. 

After  weighing  the  subject,  and  reflecting  that 
it  was  an  invitation  from  Mons.  Talleyrand,  (not 
as  minister)  to  me  as  a  private  gentleman,  and 
that  a  refusal  might  be  seized  as  an  excuse  for 
making  our  situation  worse,  which  was  now  bad 
enough,  I  determined  to  go  to  the  ball,  and  to 
avoid  all  political  conversation. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening,  I  had  some  con 
versation  with  the  Danish  minister,  He  said  he 
was  glad  to  see  me  here,  as  it  looked  like  a  pros 
pect  of  accommodation.  On  my  enquiring  what 
was  the  state  of  Danish  affairs,  he  said,  very 
bad,  that  the  French  continue  to  take  Danish 
vessels,  and  they  give  a  reason  curious  enough, 
that  American  vessels  were  not  met  with  in  such 

VOL.  n.  33 


258  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

numbers  as  they  used  to  be,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  take  Danes  in  their  room." 

Whether  an  effort  to  pave  the  way  for  recep 
tion  and  conciliation  was  judiciously  made  by  such 
compliances,  and  whether  the  ambassador  who  con 
formed  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  or  those  who 
covered  themselves  from  observation  behind  the 
shield  of  etiquette  and  ceremony,  best  consulted 
the  obligations,  which  devolved  on  the  ministers 
of  peace,  must  be  settled  by  the  judgment  of  their 
fellow  citizens. 

"  In  my  opinion,"  Mr.  Gerry  remarks,  "  the 
American  envoys  were  emphatically  the  ministers 
of  peace.  Such  were  our  instructions,  such  was 
the  avowed  object  of  the  administration,  such  was 
the  interest  of  the  country,  and  such  was  the  tem 
per  of  our  people.  There  was  no  need  of  sending 
us  here  to  make  war.  For  any  belligerent  rela 
tion,  which  our  country  was  willing  to  assume, 
there  needed  no  apology.  Wrongs  almost  innu 
merable  justified  an  offensive  attitude.  We  had 
causes  enough  for  war.  But  policy  advised  to 
peace,  and  we  came  to  make  it,  and  it  was  in  my 
mind  right  to  accomplish  that  object  by  all  practi 
cable  means.  A  concession  of  insignificant  cere 
monies  could  not  injure  the  honour,  which  had 
survived  the  rejection  of  one  minister  and  the 
neglect  of  three ;  or  had  submitted  to  be  robbed 
on  the  ocean  and  bearded  under  the  very  eye  of 
the  government.  The  honour  of  our  government 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  259 

best  consisted  in  its  preservation.  Destruction  to 
the  finances,  or  ruin  to  the  confederation  would 
not  preserve  its  honour.  Some  matters  were  in 
deed  of  vital  consequence.  I  would  not  submit 
to  degradation,  nor  express  satisfaction  at  imposi 
tion  ;  but  a  man  in  the  hands  of  robbers  best  con 
sults  his  honour  in  taking  the  surest  means  of  self 
preservation." 

Of  the  secrecy  imputed  to  him  Mr.  Gerry  has 
remarked,  "  My  separate  conferences  with  Tal 
leyrand  were  six  in  number,  viz.  on  28th  October 
and  17th  December  1707,  and  4th,  6th,  and  7th  of 
February,  and  1st  March  1798.    Those  which  were 
secret,  were  the  inevitable  consequence   of  their 
being  separate.     On  4th  February,  when  Talley 
rand  informed  me  he  had  something  of  vast  impor 
tance  to  communicate,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to 
divine  what  it  was.     It  seemed  probable  that  it 
related  to  the  government  or  the  envoys.     If  it 
should  disclose  the  impediments  to  our  being  re 
ceived,  the  knowledge  of  them  might  tend  to  dis 
sipate    them ;    if   some   stratagem    lurked  in   the 
cover,  it  would   be    best  broken  by  being  known. 
No  minister,  I  apprehend,  would  ever  lose  infor 
mation  because  it  was  confidential,  nor  could  any 
injury    arise    to    the    people,   the   government    or 
agents  of  the  United  States  from  any  intelligence, 
which  could  be  communicated  to  me." 

The   suggestion   that    there    were    negotiations, 
separate  and  secret,  between  Mr.  Gerry  and  Mons. 


260  LIFE  OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY. 

Talleyrand  is  the  invention  of  the  enemy.  He 
heard  Talleyrand's  objections  to  his  colleagues, 
and  endeavoured  to  remove  them.  He  listened 
unofficially  and  informally  to  the  propositions  made 
to  him,  and  refused  to  give  them  an  official  char 
acter.  The  conversations  between  these  person 
ages  were  as  wholly  extra  official,  as  any  confer 
ence,  which  Mr.  Marshall  entered  on  his  journal 
with  the  nameless  gentlemen  who  spoke  with  him 
on  American  affairs. 

Whatever  steps  Mr.  Gerry  took  were  to  pre 
pare  the  way  for  a  joint  negotiation  with  the 
whole  embassy,  and  not  to  conduct  one  himself. 
Against  his  public  declarations,  and  the  conduct 
observed  by  him  after  the  departure  of  his  col 
leagues,  in  which  he  resists  all  efforts  at  negotia 
tion,  declaring  and  reiterating  the  declaration  that 
a  separate  negotiation  was  impossible,  it  bears  as 
little  the  marks  of  honesty  as  truth,  to  charge 
upon  him  the  fact  of  a  separate  negotiation.  His 
whole  course  was  marked  by  a  strong  disposition 
to  secure  an  honourable  peace  ;  a  task  the  more 
difficult,  because  in  the  sincerity  of  the  other 
ministers  the  French  government  professed  to  feel 
no  confidence,  and  because  their  distance  and  cold 
ness  and  ceremony,  unfortunately  gave  counte 
nance  to  the  charge  ;  a  task,  which  the  spirit  of 
his  instructions  prescribed,  his  own  principles  en 
forced,  the  great  party  of  his  countrymen  solicit 
ously  desired,  and  the  best  interests  of  his  country 
demanded  him  if  possible  to  secure. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  261 

It  was  a  task  personally  perplexing,  inconve 
nient  and  laborious,  but  it  was  the  sacrifice  of 
private  feeling  to  public  duty,  and  the  hazard  of 
reputation  in  the  service  of  the  state,  as  a  gallant 
soldier  exposes  his  life  for  his  country. 

Mr.  Gerry  remained  in  France  after  the  depar 
ture  of  his  colleagues,  and  the  secretary  of  state 
in  his  official  report  says,  "unfortunately  Mr. 
Gerry  was  induced  by  the  threats  of  an  immedi 
ate  war  against  the  United  States,  to  separate 
from  his  colleagues  and  stay  in  Paris,  threats  which 
viewed  with  their  motives,  merited  only  detesta 
tion  and  contempt." 

The  three  envoys,  in  their  joint  letter  to  the 
French  minister  of  3d  April  1798,  address  him 
as  follows.  "  It  is  hoped  the  prejudices  said  to 
have  been  conceived  against  the  ministers  of  the 
United  States  will  be  dissipated  by  the  truths  they 
have  stated.  If  in  this  hope  they  shall  be  disap 
pointed,  and  it  should  be  the  will  of  the  directory 
to  order  passports  for  the  whole  or  any  number  of 
them,  you  will  please  to  accompany  such  passports 
with  letters  of  safe  conduct,  &c."' 

On  this  application  passports  were  furnished  to 

*  General  Marshall  left  France  IGth  April  1798.  Mr.  Gerry  de 
manded  his  passports  on  10th  June,  but  could  not  obtain  means 
to  leave  Paris  until  2Gth  July.  His  departure  from  France  was 
so  obstructed  by  the  government,  that  the  United  States  brig 
Sophia,  in  which  he  took  passage,  was  unable  to  sail  from  Havre 
until  8th  August.  Every  possible  interruption  was  given,  which 
might  retard  his  return  home. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

Messrs.  Marshall  and  Pinckney,  but  none  were 
sent  to  Mr.  Gerry.  The  joint  letter  implies  a 
joint  assent  to  such  an  act  in  this  regard,  as 
France,  without  any  agency  on  the  part  of  the 
envoys,  might  choose  to  observe.  Mr.  Gerry 
could  not  leave  France  without  permission.  An 
attempt  to  have  done  so  would  probably  have  been 
a  pretence  for  a  haughty  and  unprincipled  govern 
ment  to  have  violated  the  law  of  nations,  and  to 
have  seized  the  persons  and  papers  of  the  entire 
embassy.  "  It  has  appeared  to  me,"  said  presi 
dent  Adams,  at  a  subsequent  period,  "  that  Mr. 
Gerry  was  as  much  a  prisoner  in  France  as  any 
individual  in  the  walls  of  the  Bastile." 

So  far  as  not  peremptorily  insisting  on  his  pass 
ports  was  evidence  of  a  voluntary  continuance  in 
the  French  capital,  he  is  amenable  to  the  charge. 

The  reason  alleged  by  him  was  the  positive 
threat  of  an  immediate  war. 

If  this  threat  was  serious,  and  would  have  been 
executed  in  case  of  his  departure,  the  propriety  of 
his  conduct  depends  on  the  question,  whether  the 
then  condition  of  the  two  countries  was  better  for 
the  United  States  than  open  and  declared  hos 
tility. 

If  the  declaration  made  was  believed  by  him  to 
have  been  seriously  intended,  the  propriety  of  his 
conduct  depends  on  the  reasonableness  of  his  be 
lief. 

The  secretary  of  state  declares   "  suspense  was 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  263 

ruinous."  His  remaining  did  then  suspend  ac 
tual  war.  Was  it  ruinous  thus  to  protract  hos 
tility  ?  Mr.  Gerry  and  his  political  friends  con 
ceived  almost  any  thing  was  less  ruinous  than 
war.  To  prevent  that  calamity,  to  preserve  the 
young  republic  he  represented  from  the  waste 
of  treasure  and  life,  which  would  be  the  conse 
quence  of  a  contest  with  the  gigantic  victors  of 
Europe,  to  protect  her  from  an  alliance,  which 
would  transfuse  her  young  blood  into  the  .wither 
ing  arteries  of  a  decaying  and  debilitated  associate, 
and  to  prevent  the  collision  of  those  fierce  passions 
which  threatened  the  American  people  at  home, 
were  the  objects,  which  right  or  wrong  detained 
him  at  Paris,  and  brought  down  upon  him  the  ven 
geance  of  a  political  adversary,  who  found  that 
the  victim,  which  his  party  required,  was  fortu 
nately  the  individual,  whom  his  own  prejudices 
would  most  readily  select  for  the  sacrifice. 

But  the  secretary  adds,  "  These  threats  should 
have  been  despised.  Four  or  five  months  before, 
tho  threats  of  immediate  orders  to  quit  France  and 
the  terrors  of  war  in  its  most  dreadful  forms  had 
been  held  up  to  all  the  envoys."1 

By  whom  ?  Not  by  the  minister,  but  by  indi 
viduals  without  a  document  to  prove  their  authori 
ty.  The  declaration  of  war  to  be  made,  which 
induced  Mr.  Gerry  to  remain  in  Paris,  was  official, 
from  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  in  the  name  of 

*  American  state  papers,  vol.  1,  p.  253,  2<1  edit. 


264  LIFE  OP  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

the  directory.  The  condition  of  France  gave 
credibility  to  the  declaration.  Continental  Europe 
was  at  her  feet.  England  she  was  preparing  to 
invade.  It  was  her  habit  to  ensure  the  success 
of  her  schemes  by  the  certainty  and  celerity  of 
execution.  The  credulity  charged  on  Mr.  Gerry, 
did  not  arise  from  any  respect  for  the  justice,  or 
any  admiration  of  the  character  of  this  formidable 
adversary.  He  had  declared  to  his  colleagues 
that  "  France  was  the  proudest  as  well  as  most 
unjust  government  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  so 
elevated  by  victory  as  to  hold  in  perfect  contempt 
all  the  rights  of  others,  and  that  with  this  disposi 
tion  she  would  make  war  if  we  refused  to  comply 
with  what  her  pride  would  insist  on  because  it  had 
been  proposed."* 

To  one  who  might  have  anticipated  the  publica 
tion  of  the  envoys'  despatches  to  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  a  residence  at  Paris  long 
enough  to  wait  their  return  could  not  have  been 
a  very  desirable  position. 

Haughty  and  unaccommodating,  the  rulers  of 
France  regarded  neither  the  laws  of  nations  nor 
the  security  of  public  ministers. 

Before  the  arrival  of  the  American  plenipoten 
tiaries,  they  had  sent  off  thirteen  foreign  ministers, 
and  in  the  insolence  of  their  pride  were  not  likely 
to  regard  the  Americans  as  entitled  to  more  respect 
than  Geneva  or  Genoa.  At  that  period  the  Portu- 

*  Marshall's  Journal,  MS. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  265 

guese  minister  was  in  the  temple,  the  Roman  en 
voy  confined  to  his  house  under  guard,  the  Spanish 
ambassador  was  ordered  beyond  the  boundary  of 
France,  and  the  envoy  of  republican  America,  who 
had  discovered  and  disclosed  the  cupidity  and  pro 
fligacy  of  the  directory  and  its  minister,  might 
reasonably  expect  one  of  those  domiciliary  visits 
against  which  his  public  character  afforded  no  pro 
tection,  and  which  led  to  the  conciergerie  or  the 
guillotine.  Of  such  a  position  of  affairs  the  Ameri 
can  secretary  was  satisfied.  A  despatch  boat  had 
left  the  United  States  with  instructions  to  the 
messenger,  who  sailed  in  her,  containing  the  fol 
lowing  significant  notice. 

"  It  is  important  that  the  envoys  be  out  of 
France,  (unless  as  before  mentioned,  they  have 
treated  or  are  in  treaty)  because  it  is  very  proba 
ble  their  despatches  No.  1  to  .0,  will  in  a  few  days 
be  laid  before  congress." 

An  interval  of  ten  days  between  the  reception 
of  this  notice  and  the  arrival  of  the  printed  com 
munications  in  Paris,  enabled  the  American  min 
ister  to  secure  his  papers  from  being  violated  and 
to  prepare  for  meeting  in  his  own  person  whatever 
the  insolence  or  rage  of  the  government  might  de 
nounce. 

It  came  in  the  moderated  form  of  a  demand  for 
the  names  of  the  intrusive  intriguers,  who  taking 
advantage  of  the  isolated  situation  of  the  Ameri 
can  envoys,  had  played  on  their  credulity  and 

VOL.    II.  3-1 


266  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

amused  them  by  pretences  of  influence  or  agency. 
It  suited  the  policy  of  the  French  minister  to  deny 
for  himself  all  knowledge  of  the  concern,  and  to 
laugh  at  that  easy  credulity  which  had  converted 
the  babble  of  a  court  and  the  prattle  of  ladies  into 
grave  matters  of  public  interest  and  deep  schemes 
of  crafty  diplomacy.  That  there  was  some  shrewd 
ness  in  this  movement  of  the  French  Machiavel 
cannot  be  doubted.  Whatever  of  folly  was  justly 
imputed  to  the  Americans,  belongs  not  exclusively 
to  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  but  to  those  col 
leagues  of  his  "  whose  respectable  talents"*  none 
of  their  fellow  citizens  ever  ventured  to  deny. 

While  the  situation  of  Mr.  Gerry  in  France  was 
thus  unpleasant  and  hazardous,  his  family,  left 
under  the  protection  of  his  country  and  her  laws, 
were  exposed  to  every  measure  of  indignity.  It 
suited  the  excited  passions  of  the  people,  or  rather 
the  policy,  which  was  busied  in  causing  this  ex 
citement,  to  invoke  maledictions  upon  him,  and  as 
he  was  beyond  the  reach  of  their  personal  opera 
tions,  to  visit  his  political  sins  upon  an  unoffending 
lady  and  her  harmless  infants,  as  in  the  barbarous 
periods  of  English  history  families  were  swept  off 
for  the  conduct  of  their  chief. 

Letters  anonymous  or  feigned,  imputing  his 
continuance  in  France  to  causes  most  distressing 
to  a  wife  and  a  mother,  in  such  forms  as  would 
give  them  the  appearance  of  real  correspondence, 

*  Pickering's  Review. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  267 

were  conveyed  to  her  by  almost  every  post.  On 
several  occasions  the  morning's  sun  shone  upon  a 
model  of  a  guillotine  erected  in  the  field  before 
her  window,  smeared  with  blood,  and  having  the 
effigy  of  a  headless  man.  Savage  yells  were 
uttered  in  the  night  time  to  disturb  the  sleep  of 
this  family  of  females,  and  the  glare  of  blazing 
faggots  suddenly  broke  upon  its  darkness,  to  ter 
rify  them  with  the  apprehensions  of  immediate 
conflagration. 

In  a  land  of  law  and  civil  liberty  these  were  the 
penalties,  which  were  awarded  to  the  helpless 
family  of  a  distinguished  citizen  ;  this  the  protec 
tion  of  a  community  to  whose  independence  his 
early  life  was  devoted.  This  that  refinement  of 
manners,  which  expressed  its  abhorrence  of  the 
jacobins  of  Paris,  and  denounced  contemptuously 
the  democrats  of  New  England  !  Truly  the  age 
of  chivalry  was  gone  ! 

Nor  is  such  unmanly  and  dishonourable  conduct 
to  be  charged  merely  to  low  and  vulgar  villains, 
who  were  the  immediate  perpetrators.  More  emi 
nent  citizens,  by  a  conduct  as  unfeeling,  though 
less  exposed  to  legal  animadversion,  added  to 
the  wounds  which  the  common  principles  of  hu 
manity  would  have  endeavoured  to  soothe  rather 
than  inflame,  and  countenanced  by  silence,  indif 
ference  or  scorn,  the  wantonness  of  insult,  in  which 
their  pride  would  not  allow  them  more  actively  to 
engage. 


268  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Mr.  Gerry's  own  view  of  the  benefit  to  be  ob 
tained  by  residing  in  France  after  the  departure 
of  his  colleagues,  is  explained  in  his  correspond 
ence.  To  the  president  of  the  United  States  he 
says,  "  I  expected  my  passport  with  my  colleagues, 
but  am  informed  the  directory  will  not  consent  to 
my  leaving  France,  and  to  bring  on  an  immediate 
war  contrary  to  their  wishes  would  be  in  my  mind 
unwarrantable." 

To  Mr.  Murray,  minister  of  the  United  States 
at  the  Hague,  who  had  expressed  a  desire  for  par 
ticular  information  he  replies,  "  Your  information 
as  respects  my  consent  to  stay  in  Paris  for  the 
present  is  just.  Your  inference  '  to  be  accredit 
ed'  is  wrong.  The  alternative  presented  to  my 
choice  having  been  my  residence  here  or  a  rupture, 
1  have  chosen  the  former.  I  flatter  myself  you 
know  me  too  well  to  suppose  that  an  official  re 
ception,  a  mere  civility,  could  have  the  weight  of 
a  feather  in  forming  in  my  mind  so  important  a 
decision  ;  if  I  had  an  ambition  of  that  kind  it  has 
been  and  is  now  in  my  power  to  gratify  it,  but  for 
this  I  would  not  give  a  sol.  All  personal  consid 
erations  are  against  rny  remaining  here." 

To  Mr.  King,  minister  of  the  United  States  at 
London,  who  adopting  the  views  of  his  political  par 
ty,  with  the  freedom  of  long  friendship  pressed  him 
not  to  remain,  he  writes  on  the  3d  May,  "  Wheth 
er  the  directory  have  settled  a  plan  concerning 
America,  and  what  it  is,  I  am  still  to  learn,  but 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  269 

sure  I  am,  our  independent  rights  and  just  preten 
sions  shall  not  be  impaired  by  my  conduct.  I  am 
sorry  you  are  so  severe  on  this  government,  or  be 
ing  so  disposed,  that  your  letter  was  not  in  cypher, 
because  I  have  hopes  our  affairs  will  be  amicably 
settled,  if  not  rendered  desperate  by  suspicions 
and  prejudice.  I  cannot  say  what  will  be  the 
opinion  of  the  president,  or  of  his  constituents  re 
specting  my  conduct  in  remaining  here,  but  I  will 
do  nothing  that  I  cannot  justify  to  my  own  mind, 
and  which  I  am  not  clearly  convinced  ought  to 
merit  their  approbation.  I  have  no  personal  views 
in  remaining,  and  the  moment  I  can  reconcile  this 
government  to  my  departure,  I  shall  embark  for 
the  United  States  ;  in  the  mean  time  with  due 
attention  to  your  friendly  councils,  I  must  be  gov 
erned  by  my  own  judgment. 

My  situation,  from  a  short  period  after  my  arrival, 
has  been  extremely  painful,  and  has  only  present 
ed  a  prospect  of  censure  from  one  or  other  of  the 
political  parties,  which  divide  our  country  and  its 
councils.  Thus  circumstanced  I  could  only  de 
termine  to  pursue  as  primary  objects,  the  honour, 
interest  and  welfare  of  the  United  States ;  our 
independence  I  flatter  myself  is  not  in  the  least 
danger.  These  I  have  invariably  pursued,  and  I 
believe  this  government  is  so  well  convinced  of  it, 
that  was  I  to  enter  into  negotiation,  no  proposition 
would  be  made  to  me  with  the  hope  of  success, 
which  would  militate  against  them." 


270  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

To  Mr.  Murray  again  he  thus  writes.  "  I  am 
favoured  with  your's  of  the  20th  May,  and  have 
been  prevented  from  answering  it  sooner  by  the 
embarrassments,  resulting  from  the  arrival  of  the 
newspapers  here  containing  our  informal  negotia 
tions  with  persons  presenting  themselves  as  agents 
of  this  government.  Before  this  event  I  was  offi 
cially  informed  that  France  had  no  disposition  for 
hostilities,  that  an  arrangement  of  our  affairs  then 
under  consideration  would  soon  be  made,  and  that 
I  should  find  it  perfectly  agreeable  to  me.  This 
information  was  accompanied  with  the  prospect  of 
completing  the  business  in  the  United  States  by  a 
person  to  be  sent  out  for  that  purpose.  What 
will  be  the  consequence  of  these  publications  time 
only  will  determine." 

To  a  gentleman  who  had  forwarded  him  by  ex 
press  the  despatches  published  in  America,  advis 
ing  him  to  withdraw  from  France  before  their  con 
tents  were  made  known,  and  urging  upon  him  the 
danger  of  his  situation  he  writes, 

"  I  have  received  your  letter  with  the  copies  of 
the  despatches  enclosed.  The  prospect  of  a  ten 
years'  imprisonment  would  not  induce  me  to  quit 
this  country  as  a  fugitive." 

The  benefits  actually  resulting  from  his  resi 
dence  in  France  were,  to  use  his  own  language, 
first,  an  express  renunciation  on  the  part  of  France 
of  loans ;  second,  of  reparation  for  president's 
speeches  ;  third,  of  a  renunciation  of  a  demand 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  271 

upon  the  United  States  to  assume  debts  due  her 
citizens  ;  fourth,  a  disclaimer  of  any  wish  that  we 
should  dissolve  the  British  treaty  ;  fifth,  an  admis 
sion  of  our  claims  for  captures,  founded  on  the 
want  of  a  role  ffequipage  ;  sixth,  advances  towards 
a  new  negotiation  ;  and  seventh,  the  actual  pre 
servation  of  peace.* 

While  Mr.  Gerry's  object,  at  the  expense  of 
personal  comfort  and  hazard  of  fame,  was  to  give 
his  country  the  option  of  peace  or  war,  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  was  pursuing  its  course 
with  decision  and  energy,  and  having  selected 
their  alternative,  do  not  seem  to  have  found  that 
suspense  was  ruinous.  There  was  no  suspense. 
The  executive  acted  as  if  all  the  envoys  had  been 
ordered  from  the  French  territory,  and  it  may  well 
be  doubted  whether  any  personal  hazard  to  Mr. 
Gerry  would  for  a  moment  have  obstructed  the 
measures  of  the  secretary  of  state. 

On  2*2d  May  an  act  of  Congress  was  passed 
authorizing  the  president  of  the  United  States  to 
raise  a  provisional  army,t  and  soon  afterwards 

*  Minutes  of  conference  with  the  president. — MS. 

\  In  prospect  of  a  war  with  France,  Mr.  Hamilton  had  re 
commended  "an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  ten  thousand  of 
them  to  be  horse." 

"  Such  an  army  without  an  enemy  to  combat  would  have 
raised  a  rebellion  in  every  state  in  the  union.  The  very  idea  of 
the  expense  of  it  would  have  turned  president,  senate  and  house 

out  of  doors. Yet  such  was  the  influence  of  Mr.  Hamilton 

in  congress,  that  without  any  recommendation  from  the  presi 
dent,  they  passed  a  bill  to  raise  an  army,  not  a  large  one  indeed, 


272  LIFE    OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

Washington  was  commissioned  lieutenant-general. 
On  28th  of  the  same  month,  authority  was  given 
to  the  navy  of  the  United  States  to  seize  vessels 
under  the  flag  of  France,  which  had  committed 
any  depredation  on  the  American  commerce.  On 
13th  June  the  commercial  intercourse  between 
the  United  States  and  France  was  suspended. 
On  7th  July  the  treaties  concluded  with  France 
were  declared  no  longer  binding  on  the  United 
States.  On  the  9th,  under  the  title  of  an  act  to 
protect  the  commerce  of  the  United  States,  au 
thority  was  given  to  issue  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal.  To  this  measure  followed,  as  a  necessary 
consequence,  other  acts  for  increasing  the  naval 
force,  for  direct  and  indirect  taxation,  and  for  ap 
propriating  the  revenue  among  the  new  officers  of 
government.  The  alien  law  was  passed  on  25th 
June,  and  the  sedition  law  on  14th  July.  All  this 
was  done  during  a  period  when  the  "  suspense," 
created  by  Mr.  Gerry's  residence  in  France  was 
declared  to  be  "  ruinous."  The  meaning  of  which, 
if  any  meaning  be  attached  to  the  phrase,  is  that 
the  uncertainty  of  peace  or  war,  created  by  his 
conduct,  retarded  or  diminished  preparation  for 
hostility.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  the 
most  positive  assurance  and  certainty  of  a  bellige 
rent  attitude  could  have  expedited  or  increased 
military  preparations  sooner  or  more  extensively 

but  enough  to  overturn  the  then  federal  government. — Adams' 
letters,  p.  68. 


LIFE  OF   ELBIUDGE   GERRY.  273 

or  what  stronger  position  could  he  taken  to  place 
in  the  power  of  the  administration  the  force  and 
wealth  of  the  nation. 

Of  a  measure  resulting  from  so  serious  an  act 
as  a  division  between  the  members  of  a  joint  em 
bassy,  in  which  one  of  them  remained  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  opinion  of  both  his  colleagues,  it  is 
feeble  praise  to  say  only  that  it  was  not  wrong. 
It  involved  a  great  and  hazardous  responsibility,  not 
lightly  to  be  assumed,  and  not  to  be  justified  by 
trifling  advantages.  But  under  the  circumstances 
in  which  the  government  and  people  of  the  United 
States  were  situated,  it  is  not  possible  that  a  pro 
ceeding,  which  might  change  the  neutral  relations 
of  the  country  for  a  belligerent  attitude,  could  be  in 
different  to  its  most  vital  and  permanent  interests. 

Had  Mr.  Gerry  demanded  his  passports,  or  re 
turned  in  defiance  of  the  threats  of  the  French 
government,  the  war,  which  they  menaced,  might 
not  indeed  have  been  waged  by  them,  but  the  con 
dition  of  affairs  in  the  United  States  must  inevi 
tably  have  produced  it.  Negotiation  would  have 
ended.  The  first  minister  was  rejected.  A  solemn 
and  dignified  embassy  was  repulsed,  and  insulted, 
and  driven  from  the  country.  The  causes  of  com 
plaint  for  past  injuries  were  not  diminished  ;  new 
evils  were  accumulating,  and  the  only  alternative 
would  have  been  the  humbleness  of  submission  or 
the  activity  of  resistance.  War  was  inevitable. 

To   speak   lightly   of  such   a   condition   of  the 

VOL.   ii.  35 


274  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

country  comports  as  little  with  the  wisdom  of  a 
statesman  as  it  does  with  the  piety  of  a  Christian. 
If  in  itself  war  be  not  the  greatest  misery  that 
could  fall  on  a  community,  it  certainly  has  an 
alarming  tendency  to  produce  it.  The  courage, 
the  patriotism,  and  the  self-sacrifice  of  a  generous 
people  may,  by  the  blessing  of  heaven,  carry  them 
safely  through  its  storms ;  but  its  clouds  then 
threatened  wider  devastation  than  its  ordinary 
ravages.  There  was  danger  of  civil  commotion  ; 
there  was  apprehension  of  foreign  alliance,  as  fatal 
as  the  embrace  of  the  disguised  statue  to  her  igno 
rant  admirers.  There  was  hazard  that  the  young 
tree  of  liberty  planted  on  our  shores,  whose  branch 
es  now  luxuriantly  expanding,  were  then  but  be 
ginning  to  spread  themselves,  and  whose  root  was 
scarcely  fixed  in  the  earth,  would  be  blown  down 
in  the  whirlwinds  that  must  prematurely  assail  it. 
There  was  danger  that  an  inconsiderate  rashness 
would,  like  another  Erostratus,  sacrifice  the  last 
temple  of  rational  liberty. 

By  remaining  in  France,  Mr.  Gerry  kept  open 
the  door  of  negotiation.  He  received  and  com 
municated  assurances  that  the  French  directory 
were  not  obstinately  determined  on  hostilities  ; 
that  they  would  negotiate,  whenever  the  character 
and  sentiments  of  the  American  agents  should 
satisfy  them  they  could  do  so  with  prospect  of  suc 
cess.  In  the  short  period  that  elapsed  between 
the  departure  of  his  colleagues  and  his  own,  Mr. 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  275 

Gerry  acquired  a  persuasion  of  this  fact,  and  suc 
ceeded  with  some  difficulty  indeed,  but  neverthe 
less  succeeded  in  making  this  known  to  his  own 
government,  and  the  people  of  his  country. 

In  brief  space  after  his  return  a  new  embassy 
was  appointed  ;  the  secretary,  who  had  found  in 
his  conduct  an  obstacle  to  his  views  or  his  policy, 
and  laid  out  his  official  strength  to  prostrate  his 
good  name,  had  himself  been  made  to  drink  of  the 
waters  of  bitterness,  and  to  find  the  poisoned 
chalice  commended  to  his  own  lips.  Peace,  firm, 
honourable,  lasting  peace  was  concluded  with  the 
French  republic,  and  the  popular  sentiment  so 
thoroughly  changed  that  the  whole  administration, 
chiefly  by  the  impetus  given  by  their  war  councils, 
was  overthrown. 

The  peace,  which  the  American  government 
preserved,  has  been  claimed  as  the  consequence, 
not  of  negotiation  but  arms.  It  has  been  said  the 
preparation  for  war  prevented  it.  But  the  opera 
tion  of  the  public  sentiment  refutes  this  opinion. 
Preparation  for  war  unhorsed  the  riders  of  the  war- 
steed,  while  to  the  dominant  and  victorious  nation, 
against  whom  it  was  directed,  it  was  too  small  an 
addition  to  the  vast  force  they  had  subjugated,  to 
create  any  sensation  of  alarm. 

The  executive  chief  burst  the  bonds,  with  which 
his  cabinet  had  endeavoured  to  bind  him,  too  late 
for  his  personal  elevation  indeed,  but  soon  enough 
for  his  country  and  his  fame.  Against  their  advice 


276  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

and  approbation  he  acted  on  the  prospects,  which 
negotiation  held  out,  and  acted  with  success  ;  and 
might  well  say,  in  relation  to  this  and  another 
incident  of  his  administration,  not  connected  with 
this  subject,  that  "  they  were  two  measures  that 
I  recollect  writh  infinite  satisfaction,  and  which 
will  console  me  in  my  latest  hour."*  "  He  [Mr. 
Gerry]  was  nominated  and  approved  and  finally 
saved  the  peace  of  the  nation  ;  he  alone  discovered 
and  furnished  the  evidence  that  X,  Y,  and  Z,  were 
employed  by  Talleyrand ;  and  he  alone  brought 
home  the  direct  formal  official  assurances,  upon 
which  the  subsequent  commission  proceeded  and 
peace  was  made."t 

Long  before  this  satisfactory  declaration  was 
offered  to  Mr.  Gerry,  by  the  distinguished  chief 
from  whom  his  appointment  had  proceeded,  and 
while  yet  the  public  mind  was  abused  by  the  phi 
lippics,  which  had  been  launched  against  his  con 
duct  and  character,  his  own  conscious  rectitude  of 
intention  was  gratified,  and  his  wounded  spirit 
consoled,  and  cheered  and  comforted  by  high  tes 
timonials  of  approbation  bestowed  upon  him  by 
the  great  head  of  the  republican  party,  whose  en 
comiums  may  be  placed  in  contrast,  although  they 
overwhelm  by  their  incomparably  superior  value 

*  President  Adams'  letters,  No.  10,  p.  47. 
f  Ibid,  letter  13,  p.  65. 


LIFE  OF  ELBR1DGE  GERRY.  277 

the  vituperations  of  an  angry  and  mortified  politi 
cal  rival.* 

If  it  has  been  the  lot  of  few  indivinuals,  against 
whom  neither  treachery  nor  corruption  could  be 
alleged,  to  be  more  severely  censured  than  was 
Mr.  Gerry  for  his  share  of  this  memorable  embas 
sy,  so  probably  no  man  can  boast  of  more  ardent 
or  honourable  praise.  The  testimony  of  the  two 
great  statesmen,  who  by  different  parties  were 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  and  thus  together 
may  be  said  to  have  represented  each  separate 
part  of  the  people,  is  placed  in  credit  against  the 
charges  of  that  bold  account,  by  which  a  few  in 
temperate  partisans  would  have  made  him  bank 
rupt  in  character  and  fanie.t 

How  well  he  discharged  the  duty  assigned  to 
him  is  yet  an  open  question,  which  neither  the  au- 

*  The  great  length  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  letters  would  of  itself 
prevent  their  insertion,  but  there  are  remarks  in  them,  which 
communicated  as  they  were  under  the  seal  of  confidence  the 
author  docs  not  feel  at  liberty  to  disclose.  He  represses  his 
desire  to  publish  them  with  great  reluctance. 

f  A  petty  punishment  was  devised  by  Mr.  secretary  Pickering 
for  the  contumacy  of  Mr.  Gerry. 

On  June  20,  1799,  he  thus  addresses  him,  "I  consider  your 
stay  in  France  after  the  12th  of  May,  when  my  letter  of  March 
23,  1708  was  delivered  to  you  as  perfectly  gratuitous,  and  con 
sequently  that  your  salary  ceased  on  May  12,  excepting  the  al 
lowance  of  one  quarter's  salary  for  your  return  according  to 
usage." 

On  an  appeal  to  the  president,  after  Mr.  Marshall  was  secre 
tary  of  state,  this  decision  of  the  former  secretary  was  reversed. 


278  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

thority  of  Adams  and  Jefferson  in  his  favour,  nor 
of  Pickering,  such  as  it  is,  against  him,  will  con 
clusively  determine.  There  is  an  appeal  to  the 
people ;  not  to  a  people  excited  by  intemperate 
political  feeling  and  party  zeal,  but  to  a  people 
calm,  intelligent  and  dispassionate ;  to  posterity, 
who  will  set  in  judgment  on  the  great  men  of  the 
past  age,  when  the  little  causes  of  private  hos 
tility  shall  have  been  buried  in  the  silence  of  the 
grave ;  posterity  who  will  be  able  to  mark  the  dif 
ficulties,  which  any  measure  would  have  presented, 
and  the  thousand  roads  of  deviation  with  the  one 
solitary  and  obscure  path,  which  the  wise  political 
traveller  should  have  selected  and  steadily  main 
tained. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  279 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Commentary  on  the  mission  continued Further  strictures  on  Mr. 

Pickering's  publication. 

OF  the  circumstances  occurring  after  the  de 
parture  of  the  two  envoys,  the  most  important  are 
those,  which  ensued  when  their  despatches  had 
returned  from  America.  These  probably  changed 
the  whole  complexion  of  the  case.  Mr.  Gerry 
communicated  to  Talleyrand  at  his  request  the 
names  of  those  individuals,  whose  discourse  about 
loans  and  doceurs  was  conveyed  to  the  American 
government.  This  forms  another  allegation  against 
the  propriety  of  his  conduct. 

There  is  something  so  ludicrous  in  finding  in 
the  diplomatic  despatches  of  an  important  em 
bassy  grave  discourse  with  people,  who  have 
neither  local  habitation  nor  a  name,  save  at  the 
end  of  the  alphabet,  that  it  is  almost  forgotten ; 
these  diminutive  appellations  were  inserted  not 
by  the  envoys  but  by  the  secretary  of  state.* 

On  the  return  of  these  despatches  to  France 
and  to  Europe,  the  envoys  were  .exhibited  as  the 
subjects  of  an  intrigue  too  base  to  permit  even  its 
agents  to  be  named.  But  the  implication,  for  in 
diplomatic  arrangements  insinuations  often  supply 

*  American  state  papers,  vol.  3.  p.  475.  2d  ed. 


280  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  place  of  facts,  plainly  was  that  the  French  di 
rectory  or  its  minister  had  endeavoured  for  their 
own  corrupt  purposes  to  impose  on  the  unaccredit 
ed  envoys,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  isolated 
condition  in  which  they  kept  themselves,  pro 
posed  to  open  a  passage  to  the  French  govern 
ment  by  bribery  and  fraud. 

Whatever  was  the  truth  of  the  case,  no  course 
was  left  but  for  the  French  minister  to  pretend 
ignorance  of  the  whole  transaction,  and  demand, 
with  the  show  of  indignation,  who  it  was  that 
thus  had  offended  the  government,  and  tampered 
with  envoys  at  its  court  ? 

The  demand  being  made  of  the  only  individual, 
who  was  in  a  condition  to  answer  it,  Mr.  Gerry 
might  have  refused  to  reply  ;  and  his  silence  would 
have  been  trumpeted  through  Europe  as  evidence 
of  the  fabrication,  which  in  the  spirit  of  a  war 
party  its  ministers  had  circulated  to  rouse  the  in 
dignation  they  were  desirous  of  producing. 

Or  Mr.  Gerry  might  have  said,  you  Mr.  min 
ister  know  who  they  were  :  you  employed,  au 
thorized,  countenanced  and  directed  them.  You 
saw  them  with  the  American  envoys,  you  knew 
what  they  were  saying,  doing,  desiring,  soliciting. 
You  knew  we  refused  to  accede  to  their  proposi 
tions,  and  you  would  not  receive  us.  They  were 
your  agents,  and  it  is  an  insult  for  you  to  ask  me 
their  residence  or  their  name. 

To    such  an    honest    expression  of    the    truth 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  281 

Talleyrand  would  reply,  Sir,  if  your  allegations 
are  true,  produce  me  the  credentials,  which  en 
titled  them  to  be  received  by  you  as  my  agents, 
or  in  want  of  such  evidence,  be  contented  that  you 
and  your  colleagues  shall  be  deemed  dupes  to  sharp 
ers,  who  came  to  you  without  authority,  and  that 
you  sir,  in  addition,  should  stand  accused  before 
Europe  with  aiding  their  machinations  by  a  de 
claration  that  you  cannot  maintain.  They  were 
not  jny  agents.  Your  assertions  are  not  warrant 
ed  by  the  fact. 

In  this  issue  of  fact  between  Mr.  Gerry  and 
M.  Talleyrand,  to  have  called  individuals  within 
the  reach  of  the  gens  d'armorie  of  Paris  to  testify 
to  the  truth  of  their  agency,  could  hardly  have 
been  prudent,  and  the  Frenchman  by  the  advan 
tage  of  position,  which  his  sagacity  originally  fore 
saw,  was  enabled  to  stand  securely  on  his  defence. 

There  was  a  third  course.  It  was  to  answer 
the  question  strictly  and  literally. 

Who  are  the  individuals  intended  by  the  letters 
X,  Y,  Z,  8cc.  in  your  despatches. 

They  are  Mr.  Ilottinguer,  Mr.  Bellamy,  and 
Mr.  Hauteval.  If  you  knew  them  before,  as  I 
believe  you  did,  my  answer  gives  you  no  addition 
al  information  ;  if  you  did  not,  punish  them  for 
an  imposition  mutually  on  you  and  us. 

The  whole  error  is  to  be  traced  to  the  informal 
conferences  with  individuals  not  bearing  any  cre 
dentials,  and  whose  authority  the  French  minister 

VOL.    ii.  36 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

might  affirm  or  deny  at  his  pleasure;  and  this  er 
ror  is  to  be  shared  in  common  by  all  the  envoys. 
If  their  proportion  is  unequal,  Mr.  Gerry's  is  the 
least,  as  he  first  proposed  its  termination.* 

To  these  material  charges  some  others  of  infe 
rior  nature,  to  increase  the  weight  of  popular  in 
dignation,  have  at  times  been  added.  Thus  it  was 
gravely  said  that  Mr.  Gerry  was  at  a  private  din 
ner  with  Mons.  Talleyrand,  where  the  business  of 
the  money  was  discussed. t  A  private  dinner  seem 
ed  to  mark  a  degree  of  intimacy  and  unwarrant 
able  compliance,  which  alarmed  the  minds  of  our 
plain  republican  citizens,  to  whom  the  corruptions 
and  the  manners  of  a  court  are  equally  matters  of 
mystery.  It  was  true  that  in  the  effort  to  estab 
lish  that  interchange  of  civility,  which  might  lead 
to  a  mutual  good  understanding,  Mr.  Gerry  dined 
at  the  table  of  the  French  minister,  who  in  return 

*  Mr.  Pickering  intended  in  his  report  to  have  charged  the 
whole  of  this  informal  mismanagement  to  Mr.  Gerry. 

As  it  was  draughted  it  reads  thus.  Paragraph  34.  "  While  we, 
amused  and  deluded  by  warm  but  empty  professions  of  the  pa 
cific  views  and  wishes  of  France,  and  by  Mr.  Gerry's  informal 
conferences  might  wait  in  fruitless  torpor  hoping  for  a  peaceful 
result." 

This  part  was  amended  by  Mr.  Adams,  who  caused  the  words, 
"Mr.  Gerry's"  to  be  erased,  whereby  the  impropriety,  if  there 
was  one,  was  attributed  to  the  whole  embassy,  and  not  to  any 
individual. 

The  disingenuousness  of  an  attempt  to  charge  the  informal 
conferences  on  Mr.  Gerry  alone,  who  was  the  first  of  the  three 
to  propose  their  termination,  is  only  a  specimen  of  the  whole  of 
the  secretary's  report. — See  Pickering's  Review*  p.  131. 

f  Pickering's  Review,  p.  141. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

for  this  customary  form  of  politeness,  was  invited 
to  the  hotel  of  the  American  envoy.  The  dinner 
at  Talleyrand's  was  what  is  called  a  private  din 
ner,  in  opposition  to  those  dinners  called  public, 
in  which  the  ministers  of  the  directory  were  ac 
customed  to  receive  the  public  functionaries.  It 
was  in  fact  as  public  as  forty  or  fifty  guests  of 
different  classes,  countries  and  sexes  would  per 
mit.  At  such  a  private  dinner  was  the  money 
concerns  of  the  American  embassy  supposed  to  be 
brought  into  discussion,  and  in  such  privacy  was 
it  that  the  American  envoy  was  plotting  treason 
against  the  rights  of  his  country  ! 

Mr.  Gerry  on  two  or  three  occasions  failed  of 
finding  M.  Talleyrand  at  his  bureau,  and  although 
the  secretary  of  the  latter  made  an  apology*  for 
his  absence,  the  fact  has  been  adduced  to  show 
the  slight  regard  he  paid  to  the  American  envoy. f 
In  offset  to  this  it  has  been  alleged  that  he  be 
came  the  dupe  of  the  French  minister's  threats, 
mingled  with  blandishments  flattering  to  his  vani 
ty.  He  had  even  the  folly  to  imagine  his  col 
leagues  envious  of  his  good  fortune.}: 

*  Mr.  Pickering  says,  "  one  of  Talleyrand's  secretaries  called 
to  make  a  slight  apology."  This  slight  mode  of  speaking  shows 
the  temper  of  the  party  who  uses  it.  How  was  it  possible  for 
Mr.  Pickering  to  ascertain  whether  the  apology  was  slight  or 
formal,  serious  or  delusive.  It  was  an  apology  brought  by  thq 
principal  secretary  of  the  minister's  bureau. 

f  By  the  barbarous  calendar  adopted  in  the  country,  it  was 
difficult  always  to  remember  when  it  was  the  Frenchman's  sab 
bath.  Mr.  Gerry  went  once  on  a  decade  and  the  office  was  closed, 

J  Pickering's  Review,  p.  127. 


284  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Thus  inconsistent  is  the  hostility,  which  pursues 
an  opponent  without  justice  or  principle. 

The  vanity  to  be  flattered  by  slight  apologies, 
by  neglect  and  by  studied  disrespect,  or  the  want 
of  consequence  which  is  subjected  to  repeated 
disappointments,  and  yet  persuades  a  man  to  im 
agine  others  are  jealous  of  his  importance,  is  in 
deed  a  singular  union  of  dissimilar  materials.  The 
imputations  cannot  both  be  true,  although  both 
may  be  unfounded.  As  circumstances  occurred 
at  one  or  another  time  they  would  serve  like  the 
artifices  at  the  hustings  to  be  played  off  before  dif 
ferent  auditories  against  a  political  rival. 

In  giving  an  account  of  the  business  of  the  em 
bassy  there  are  some  curious  suggestions  by  Mr. 
Pickering  in  his  review,  which  serve  further  to 
explain  with  what  temper  and  feeling  he  draught 
ed  his  celebrated  official  report. 

Thus  he  says,  "  A  letter*  having  been  prepared 
and  submitted  to  Mr.  Gerry,  and  he  having  em 
ployed  a  day  in  making  essential  changes  to  adapt 
it  to  his  own  taste,  to  which  the  other  two  envoys 
yielded  for  the  sake  of  unanimity,  on  llth  Novem 
ber  it  was  sent  to  M.  Talleyrand.  No  answer 
however  was  given  to  it." 

"  Three  months  [meaning  two]  having  elapsed, 
general  Marshall  draughted  along  letter  consisting 
of  a  justification  of  the  conduct  of  our  government 
in  relation  to  France.  This  was  done  by  10th 

*  Review,  p.  117. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  285 

January  1798.  It  was  submitted  to  Mr.  Gerry, 
(whose  humour  it  was  necessary  to  consult  to  obtain 
his  signature)  to  suggest  any  alterations  and  amend 
ments  he  might  think  proper."  "  Mr.  Gerry's 
vexatious  delays  prevented  the  completion  and 
translation  of  this  letter  until  the  31st  January, 
when  it  was  signed  and  sent  to  the  French  min 
ister." 

The  reading  of  these  letters  might  satisfy  any 
one  that,  as  they  stand,  they  have  spirit  and  lire 
enough  to  vindicate  the  policy  of  their  government, 
and  are  tart  enough  for  messages  of  peace.  Mr. 
Gerry's  taste  must  have  been  gratified  then  by  some 
modification  of  their  causticity,  and  his  humour, 
which  it  was  necessary  to  consult,  was  not  of  that 
acrid  and  angry  kind,  which  deemed  irritating  ex 
pressions  to  be  means  of  accomplishing  an  object 
so  judicious  as  less  intemperate  language. 

But  the  suggestion  that  a  minister's  humour  and 
taste  must  bo  consulted  before  his  signature  can 
be  obtained  to  state  papers  of  immense  conse 
quence  to  himself  and  his  nation,  is  indeed  won 
derful  !  As  if  a  man  of  independence  and  integ 
rity  would  place  his  signature  to  papers  that  dis 
pleased  him,  or  which  he  had  not  sufficiently  ex 
amined.  The  reviewer,  it  would  seem,  calculated 
on  Mr.  Gerry's  signature  as  a  matter  of  course. 
Because  according  to  his  language  in  another 
place,  "  men  of  such  respectable  talents,  untainted 
honour  and  pure  patriotism  as  generals  Pinckney 


286  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

and  Marshall,  and  in  whom  their  government  and 
country  reposed  entire  confidence,"  had  prepared 
an  official  paper,  the  attestation  of  the  remaining 
member  of  the  embassy  was  to  be  given  without 
delay. 

This  was  not  the  mode  of  reasoning  adopted  by 
that  member.  Whatever  slight  was  by  political 
opponents  thrown  upon  his  talents,  his  patriotism, 
or  his  fame,  he  felt  that  his  country  had  long  and 
steadily  reposed  as  great  confidence  in  him  as  it 
had  ever  done  in  his  colleagues,  and  that  it  was 
due  to  himself  and  his  fellow  citizens  to  examine 
and  deliberate,  and  then  to  decide. 

While  however  the  reviewer  complains  of  his 
vexatious  delays,  his  health  was  suffering  under 
the  effect  of  continual  exertions,  and  his  secretary, 
absolutely  unable  to  accomplish  the  task  imposed 
upon  him,  resigned  his  office.* 

The  letter  was  indeed  a  "  long  letter"  covering 
fifty-four  closely  printed  pages  of  letter  press,t  and 
which,  being  drawn  without  previous  concert,  re- 

*  Extract  from  a  letter  of  resignation  of  B.  Foster,  jr.,  Mr. 
Gerry's  private  secretary,  dated  March  30,  1798.  "  It  has  been  a 
source  of  much  uneasiness  and  regret  to  me  that  I  have  been 
under  the  necessity  of  declaring  before  my  inability  to  get 
through  so  much  voluminous  writing,  as  has  appeared  in  the 
course  of  the  negotiation." 

f  American  state  papers,  vol.  4.  p.  27  to  80,  inclusive,  2d  edit. 
It  may  excite  some  surprise  that  in  a  joint  mission  long  letters 
should  be  prepared  by  one  or  two  of  the  members  apart  from 
their  colleague,  and  before  principles  had  been  settled  at  a  con 
ference. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  287 

quired  to  be  examined  and  compared  with  sundry 
authorities  ;  and  finally,  in  conforming  to  the  taste 
and  humour  of  the  colleague  to  whom  it  was  submit 
ted,  to  undergo  discussion  and  alteration  in  some 
places,  and  to  be  preserved  in  its  original  form  in 
others,  after  proposed  amendments,  "  for  the  sake 
of  unanimity,"  were  withdrawn. 

The  review  proceeds:  "On  the  18th  January, 
at  the  instance  of  the  directory,  the  two  legislative 
councils  passed  a  decree,"  See.  "  On  6th  Febru 
ary,  general  Marshall  put  into  Mr.  Gerry's  hands 
the  draught  of  a  letter  to  the  French  minister,  re 
monstrating  against  that  decree  and  closing  with 
a  request  for  passports.  But  Mr.  Gerry  was  too 
busily  engaged  with  his  secret  negotiations  with 
that  minister  to  attend  to  the  letter,  though  it 
would  affect  nearly  every  American  vessel  on  the 
ocean.  On  14th  February  Mr.  Gerry  returned  the 
draught  of  the  letter  with  some  amendments.  It 

o 

was  then  put  under  copy  and  translated.  On  the 
18th,  being  fully  prepared  it  was  offered  to  Mr. 

Gerry  to  sign which  he  declined."' 

As  no  letter  appears  in  the  despatches  of  the 
envoys,  without  his  signature,  it  is  a  just  con 
clusion,  either  that  the  reasons,  by  which  Mr. 
Gerry  maintained  his  change  of  opinion,  were 
satisfactory  to  his  colleagues,  or  that  they  carried 
their  desire  to  consult  his  taste  and  humour  to  an 
extraordinary  length. 

*  Review,  p.  111). 


288  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

Something  of  the  mode,  by  which  the  business 
of  the  embassy  was  managed,  and  how  the  delays 
complained  of  occurred,  may  be  discovered  in  the 
following  notes. 


MR.    PINCKNEY    TO    MESSRS.    MARSHALL    AND 
GERRY. 

PARIS,  APRIL  2,  1798. 
GENTLEMEN, 

I  think  it  of  importance  that  no  longer  delay 
should  take  place  in  transmitting  our  reply  to  the 
minister  of  foreign  affairs.  Duty  to  our  country 
and  justice  to  ourselves  require  that  his  letter 
should  not  remain  unanswered  ;  and  I  am  very 
apprehensive,  if  we  do  not  make  it  soon,  we  shall 
be  prevented  from  making  it  at  all.  The  latter 
part  of  the  letter  which  Mr.  Gerry  took  with  him 
to  consider,  he  said  should  be  attended  to  imme 
diately.  If  he  cannot  join  his  colleagues  in  what  is 
there  expressed,  and  cannot  suggest  such  alterations 
as  they  can  accede  to,  we  ought  then  to  determine 
what  prudence  and  duty  may  dictate.  But  I  am 
for  avoiding  an  apparent  admission,  by  our  silence, 
of  the  unjust  and  injurious  charges  made  against 
our  country,  our  government,  and  ourselves.  I 
see  so  much  danger  resulting  from  delay,  that  I 
am  unwilling  it  should  be  imputable  to  me,  I  there 
fore  think  it  incumbent  on  me  to  give  you  my  sen 
timents  freely  on  this  subject,  and  hope  by  to-mor- 


LIFE  OF  ELftRIDGE  GERRY.  289 

row  morning  we  shall  come  to  some  decision. 
Mr.  Burling  requests  to  have  any  despatches  we 
may  wish  to  transmit  by  him  to  America  the  day 
after  to-morrow. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  very  respectfully, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PIXCKNEY. 
Messrs.  Marshall  and  Gerry. 


MR.  GERRY  TO  MR.  PINCKN7EY. 

PARIS,  APRIL  2,  5  P.  M. 

Mr.  Gerry  presents  his  compliments  to  general 
Finckney,  and  informs  him  that  he  is  ready  at  any 
moment  to  finish  the  letter  proposed  as  an  answer 
to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  Jle  has  made 
one  attempt  to  obtain  this  object,  but  his  proposi 
tions  not  baring  been  entirely  acceptable  to  gene 
ral  Marshall,  he  thought  it  best  to  present  in  one 
point  of  view  the  draught  as  he  proposes  it,  and  it 
is  now  ready.  He  has  suggested  no  alterations  but 
such  as  appear  to  him  indispensably  necessary  to 
prevent  further  irritation  on  the  part  of  this  govern 
ment  :  the  charge  on  our  part  of  wantonly  plung 
ing  the  United  States  into  a  war  :  and  future  em 
barrassments  to  our  government  and  ourselves. 
He  shall  certainly  accord  in  this  final  measure  with 
his  colleagues,  if  possible,  as  he  deprecates  a  dif 
ference  of  opinion  with  them,  on  the  important 

VOL.  n.  37 


290  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

and  embarrassing  affairs  of  the  embassy.  Mr. 
Gerry's  health  is  not  good  at  present,  but  he  has 
not  from  that  or  any  consideration  neglected  a 
moment,  the  business  alluded  to. 


The  letter  referred  to  covers  twenty-six  pages 
of  letter  press,  and  its  review  and  examination  by 
one  of  the  embassy,  might  reasonably  require  at 
least,  as  much  time  as  was  demanded  by  the  other 
two  for  its  original  preparation. 

So  in  respect  to  the  others.  A  joint  mission  has 
the  advantage  of  combined  learning  and  ability, 
but  it  necessarily  supposes  the  delay  which  is  inci 
dent  to  difference  of  sentiment,  and  discussion  of 
opinion. 

The  vituperative  spirit  of  the  reviewer  cannot 
but  be  seen  in  the  manner  in  which  the  delay  is 
stated.  Mr.  Marshall  and  Mr.  Pinckney  prepare  a 
letter  on  the  10th  January.  Mr.  Gerry's  vexatious 
delays  prevent  the  completion  and  translation  until 
the  31st.  The  inference  intended  but  not  express 
ed  would  put  the  whole  of  this  interval  to  his  ac 
count.  But  how  many  of  the  twenty- one  days 
were  consumed  in  a  revision,  how  many  in  acced 
ing  to  or  rejecting  the  alterations,  and  how  many 
in  making  a  translation  and  in  copying  the  dupli 
cates  is  not  exactly  ascertained. 

Not  satisfied  with  speaking  slightly  of  Mr.  Gerry 
in  connexion  with  the  French  mission,  which  was 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  291 

the  only  topic  that  introduced  his  name  into  the 
review,  Mr.  Pickering  has  seemed  desirous  of 
taking  all  opportunity  to  underrate  the  character  of 
his  mind,  the  value  of  his  services,  the  estimate  in 
which  he  was  held  by  his  associates,  and  the 
causes  by  which  his  public  stations  were  procured. 
His  mind  is  every  where  represented  as  diminu 
tive,  his  services  inconsiderable,  his  reputation 
exceedingly  limited,  and  his  place  in  the  public 
councils  accidental  and  fortuitous. 

How  much  of  this  picture,  made  up  of  dark 
lines  and  gloomy  colouring,  is  drawn  from  ima 
gination  by  political  animosity,  or  how  truly  it  re- 
ilects  the  individual,  whose  likeness  it  pretends  to 
exhibit,  the  facts  stated  in  these  volumes  and  the 
proof  of  those  facts,  under  the  hand  of  contempo 
rary  patriots,  must  be  permitted  to  decide. 

No  claim  was  ever  made  by  or  for  Mr.  Gerry  "  to 
that  gigantic  and  stupendous  intelligence,  which 
grasps  a  system  by  intuition,  and  bounds  forward 
from  one  series  of  conclusions  to  another  without 
regular  steps  through  intermediate  propositions," 
but  it  is  not  easy  to  see  any  thing  in  his  public 
performances,  at  which  a  dismissed  secretary  was 
authorized  to  sneer.  To  sound  good  sense,  and 
the  improvements  of  a  liberal  education,  to  an 
uncompromising  integrity,  which  even  the  most 
angry  of  his  opponents  has  acknowledged,  to  long 
and  arduous  attendance  in  the  school  of  the  patri 
ots,  and  to  multiplied  opportunities  of  being  con- 


292  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

cerned  in  the  responsible  direction  of  great  public 
affairs  is  he  indebted  for  that  estimation,  in  which 
he  stood  with  his  fellow  citizens,  and  the  relative 
rank,  which  the  judgment  of  posterity  will  assign 
to  him,  among  the  illustrious  companions  of  his  life. 
In  forming  an  opinion  upon  the  character  of  his 
mind,  no  better  rule  can  be  adopted  than  one, 
which  this  adversary  himself  has  proposed  for  an 
other  object  of  his  censure. 

"  On  the  score  of  talents  and  learning  the  expe 
rience  of  five  and  thirty  years  in  the  United  States 
has  furnished  ample  proof  that  a  practical  know 
ledge  of  the  interests  of  the  country,  a  common 
sense  deliberately  exercised  in  forming  a  sound 
judgment,  united  with  perfect  integrity  and  pure 
and  disinterested  patriotism,  are  of  infinitely  great 
er  value  than  genius  without  stability,  profound 
learning,  ripe  scholarship,  and  philosophy."* 

Of  the  value  of  Mr.  Gerry's  services,  something 
has  been  shown  in  the  facts  already  narrated.  If 
the  successive  duties  assigned  to  him  in  the  gene 
ral  court  of  Massachusetts  and  the  congress  of  the 
revolution  do  not  prove  the  ability,  with  which 
they  were  performed,  if  "it  was  his  good  fortune 
to  be  present  at  the  adoption  of  the  declaration  of 
independence,"'!"  and  was  not  equally  the  good  for 
tune  of  his  country  that  he  was  present  when  the 
project  was  first  debated  in  congress ;  if  he  had 

*  Pickering's  Review,  p.  62. 
t  Ibid.  p.  111. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  293 

merely  "  the  honour  of  signing  his  name  to  that  cele 
brated  state  paper,"*  and  had  not  the  higher  and 
nobler  honour  of  being  among  the  earliest  and  firm 
est  and  steadiest  of  its  adventurous  friends,  if  he 
was  only  "  a  member  of  the  national  convention 
and  member  of  the  house  of  representatives  in  the 
first  congress,  and  in  one  or  two  succeeding  con 
gresses,  "f  and  has  left  in  the  journals  of  those 
illustrious  assemblies  no  evidence  of  having  been 
there,  but  the  record  of  his  name,  he  may  justly 
be  exposed  to  those  diminutive  and  sarcastic  re 
flections,  by  which  malevolence  seeks  to  disguise 
itself  under  the  affectation  of  contempt ;  and  can 
not  complain  that  he  comes  in  for  a  full  portion 
of  censure  in  a  work,  whose  spirit  of  vituperation 
includes  John  Adams,  Thomas  Jefferson  and  John 
Quincy  Adams,  and  loses  no  opportunity  of  send 
ing  an  arrow  of  reproach  at  Madison  and  Mon 
roe. 

The  estimate,  in  which  Mr.  Gerry  was  held  by 
his  associates  of  the  revolution,  and  his  companions 
in  later  political  life,  may  be  found  in  the  intimacy 
of  their  friendship.  The  intercourse  maintained 
by  public  men  no  where  exhibits  more  implicit 
confidence  or  warmer  expressions  of  esteem  than 
the  confidential  letters,  which  the  great  and  the 
brave  were  daily  addressing  to  him.  The  natural 
consequence  of  this  connexion  was  thr  public 

*  Pickering's  Review,  i>.  111. 
t  Ibid. 


£94  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

stations,  which  he  was  called  upon  to  fill.  Popu 
lar  sentiment  was  in  unison  with  the  opinions  of 
the  gifted  and  the  faithful.  The  accident,  to 
which  some  people  attribute  the  talents  that  con 
ducted  the  revolution,  is  by  a  more  devout  temper 
of  mind  ascribed  to  the  special  providence  of 
God.* 

*  The  writer  of  the  review  could  not  himself  believe  that  Mr. 
Gerry  was  not  one  of  the  master  builders  in  the  temple  of  his 
country's  freedom. 

In  1774,  Mr.  Pickering  compiled  some  insignificant  formulary 
of  manual  exercise,  which  he  would  not  venture  to  introduce 
without  obtaining  Mr.  Gerry's  approbation,  although  he  was  not 
in  the  military  department.  "  I  have  been  so  extremely  hurried 
with  other  business,  that  my  plan  of  exercise  remains  incom 
plete.  However,  by  writing  in  the  evening  and  rising  in  the 
morning  by  candle  light,  I  have  made  shift  to  finish  the  manual 
exercise,  except  only  the  planting,  grounding  and  presenting, 
(that  is,  resting)  the  firelock.  The  whole  plan  you  have  en 
closed,  to  execute  which,  I  shall  proceed  with  all  expedition." — 
Pickering's  MS.  letter,  November  23,  1774. 

In  November  1777,  the  colonel,  apprehensive  that  some  delay 
in  his  official  returns  would  bring  upon  him  the  displeasure  of 
congress,  addresses  Mr.  Gerry  as  a  friend  by  whose  influence  its 
irritation  might  be  safely  conducted  from  him.  "  I  have  given 
you  this  detail  because  I  know  not  whether  congress  may  not 
have  judged  me  negligent;  but  gentlemen  of  the  family*  who 
have  known  my  real  situation,  I  trust  deem  me  very  excus 
able."—  MS.  letter  to  Mr.  Gerry,  Nov.  2,  1777. 

In  1784,  this  gentleman,  upon  whom  so  many  offices  were 
conferred,  and  "  all  of  them  unasked  for  in  any  form  whatever," 
(Review,  p.  G7)  having  some  little  place  under  government  to 
solicit,  thus  writes  Mr.  Gerry  on  March  9.  "  In  my  last  I  begged 
you  to  deliver  the  letter  therein  enclosed,  to  general  Mifflin.  It 
respected  the  office  in  question.  He  has  ever  shown  me  marks 
of  friendship,  and  I  trusted  to  the  continuance  of  them.  The 
nomination  you  hint  at,  coming  from  the  quarter  it  did,  would 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  295 

not  for  that  consideration,  press  on  him  with  any  additional 
weight.  You  and  the  president  are  on  such  terms  of  intimacy, 
I  suppose  he  will  have  shown  you  my  letter.  If  not,  I  wish  you 
may  see  it  and  sound  him  on  the  subject,  if  you  judge  it  expe 
dient."  In  J785,  the  same  gentleman  and  his  partner  began  a 
letter  of  business  in  the  following  strain.  "  With  extreme  plea 
sure  we  learn  your  arrival  once  more  at  York  to  take  your  seat 
where  your  services  always  have  and  always  will  be,  valuable  to 
your  country." 

While  writing  the  defamatory  insinuations  in  the  review, 
general  Marshall's  private  journal  was  lying  open  before  him, 
which  that  eminent  citizen  commences,  by  speaking  of  Mr. 
Gerry's  not  having  then  arrived  in  Paris,  and  by  expressing  the 
highest  expectation  of  the  advantage  to  be  derived  from  the 
ability,  experience  and  character  of  the  colleague,  with  whom 
he  was  to  be  associated. 


296  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Returns  to  Massachusetts Proposed  for  Governour  of  the  Com 
monwealth Private  life Pecuniary  and  domestic  misfortune. 

Character Member  of  the  electoral  college  of  Massachusetts. 

Presides  at  a  meeting  in  relation  to  the  Chesapeake. 

MR.  GERRY  returned  to  the  United  States  at  a 
period  of  increased    exasperation    and   violence.* 

*  The  state  of  things  at  this  period  was  so  offensive  and  op 
pressive,  that  the  patience  of  the  party  which  submitted  to  them 
is  a  subject  of  wonder.  The  temples  of  devotion  and  justice 
became  altars  of  desecration.  In  Massachusetts  the  chief 
justice  of  the  supreme  judicial  court,  addressed  the  grand  jury 
in  terms  which  are  thus  characterized  by  one  of  the  leading 
journals  of  the  day. 

"  The  learned  judge,  in  a  forcible  manner,  proved  the  exist 
ence  of  a  French  faction  in  the  bosom  of  our  country,  and  ex 
posed  the  French  system-mongers  from  the  quintumvirate  of 
Paris,  to  the  vice-president  and  minority  in  congress,  as  apostles 
of  atheism  and  anarchy,  bloodshed  and  plunder." — Centinel, 
Nov.  24,  1798.  A  meeting  of  free  citizens  preparatory  to  the 
election  of  national  representatives  is  thus  described.  "  A  con 
vention  of  Parisian  cut  throats  assembled  in  solemn  divan 
for  the  purpose  of  selecting  some  devotee  of  republicanized 
France  as  a  candidate  for  the  democratic  suffrages  in  this  dis 
trict,  for  federal  representative  at  the  approaching  election. "- 
Ibid.  October  17,  1798. 

The  system  of  denunciation  was  placed  in  full  contrast  with 
the  system  of  exaggerated  praise.  The  birth  days  of  the  first 
public  characters  were  celebrated  quite  as  extensively  and  ex 
pensively,  as  the  birth  day  of  the  nation,  and  toasts  of  extrava 
gant  adulation  reciprocated.  At  one  of  these  festivals  in  Massa 
chusetts,  where  was  present  the  dignified  officers  of  the  state> 

the  following  singular  sentiment  was  proclaimed. 

1  no 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  297 

He  came  back  under  a  suspicion  that  he  was  in 
clined  to  pacification  ;  that  lie  thought  this  object 
attainable  under  proper  direction  ;  that  letters  ad 
dressed  to  him  by  the  department  of  state  and  the 
expected  tenor  of  its  future  movements  would 
place  him  in  hostility  to  the  administration,  and 
that  he  was  to  assume  the  rank  of  a  leader  in  the 
northern  section  of  the  United  States  of  that  po 
litical  party,  which  it  suited  the  views  of  the 
dominant  power  to  crush  and  annihilate.  On  the 
other  side  the  most  dissatisfied  members  of  the 
opposition  were  aware  of  his  confidence  in  the 
executive  chief,  and  the  difficulty  there  would  be 
in  his  pursuing  all  those  measures  of  aggression, 
which  a  parti/an  directs,  not  because  they  are  all 
right,  but  because  they  are  expedient  movements 
in  the  tactics  of  faction.  A  cautious  demeanour 
was  observed  with  regard  to  him  by  both  parties, 
each  fearful  of  committing  itself  by  attentions, 

The  Honourable  Francis  Dana,  chief  justice,  and  the  learned 
associate  judges  of  our  supreme  judicial  court.  While  the  po 
litical  opinions  delivered  from  the  bench,  are  dictated  by  intel 
ligence,  integrity  and  patriotism,  may  they  be  as  highly  respect 
ed  as  have  ever  been  its  judicial  decisions. 

Political  opinions  from  the  bench  of  justice,  and  party  politics 
too ! 

The  plan  of  personal  exaltation  was  carried  so  far,  that  on 
one  of  these  birth  clays  "  a  parade  of  artillery  did  themselves 
and  the  day,  the  honour  to  attend  at  the  renaming  of  the  for 
tress  of  the  United  States,  formerly  called  Fort  Williams,  which 
now  bears  that  of  Fort  Pickering." 

VOL.  n.  38 


298  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

which  it  might  not  be  easy  to  retract.*  The  first 
public  announcement  of  his  course,  was  by  his  de 
clining  a  proposition  made  on  the  part  of  his  per 
sonal  friends  to  place  him  again  in  the  house  of 
representatives  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
contained  in  the  following  card. 

Mr.  Gerry  being  informed  from  various  quarters 
of  the  wishes  of  a  number  of  his  fellow  citizens  of 
this  district,  that  he  would  stand  as  a  candidate  for 
a  representative  in  congress  at  the  approaching 
election,  has  a  grateful  sense  of  the  honour  they 
are  disposed  to  confer  on  him,  and  regrets  the  in 
dispensable  necessity  he  is  under  of  declining  it. 
He  nevertheless  assures  them  of  the  continuance 
of  his  exertions  in  private  life  to  support  the  feder 
al  government,  a*s  the  only  effectual  measure  of 
union,  on  which  under  providence  rest  the  liberty, 
independence  and  welfare  of  ourselves  and  pos 
terity. 

His  recent  colleagues  took  other  ground.  Mr. 
Pinckney  in  answer  to  an  address  made  to  him  at 
Trenton  declared,  "  For  my  own  part  I  believe 
the  French  directory  are  not  sincere  in  the  pacific 
declarations  made  by  the  minister  of  foreign  af 
fairs  to  Mr.  Gerry.  If  we  would  secure  the  inde- 

*  A  few  days  after  Mr.  Gerry's  arrival,  a  gentleman  of  influ 
ence  in  the  federal  party  waited  upon  him  and  said,  that  as  soon 
as  he  had  announced  his  opinion  of  the  necessity  of  war  with 
France,  he  would  be  complimented  with  a  public  dinner,  of 
which  this  individual  was  authorized  to  inform  him.  The  com 
pliment  was  of  course  declined. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  299 

pendence  of  America  free  from  the  intrigues  and 
ambition  of  France,  I  am  convinced  we  must  fight 
for  its  preservation."  And  again  to  another  com 
plimentary  speech,  "  They  [the  French]  are  a 
people  artful  and  insidious  in  policy,  bold  and 
powerful  in  arms ;  but  having  endeavoured  to 
study  their  character  with  attention,  I  am  convinc 
ed  their  intrigues  are  more  to  be  dreaded  than 
their  force." 

Something  of  a  more  discreet  course,  but  suffi 
ciently  distinct  to  settle  its  identity,  was  main 
tained  by  his  other  late  colleague. 

In  Mr.  Gerry's  view  of  aiTairs  war  might  be 
averted.  He  would  not  proclaim  an  opinion  that 
the  French  rulers  were  insincere  because  he  did 
not  entertain  it ;  he  was  as  little  disposed  to  urge 
those  measures  of  resistance  by  arms,  which  the 
majority  were  preparing,  because  he  did  not  be 
lieve  such  policy  best  adapted  to  the  objects  it 
professed,  but  he  was  more  unwilling  to  create 
dissension  and  controversy  at  home,  or  retard  the 
movements  of  the  government  in  its  constitutional 
power. 

If  war  was  to  be  declared,  it  was  his  opinion 
that  the  duty  of  a  good  citizen  was  to  make  it 
successful.  If  the  government  in  its  wisdom  saw 
fit  to  appeal  to  this  last  arbitrator  of  nations,  it 
was  his  doctrine  that  no  measure  could  be  justified, 
that  might  weaken  its  chances  of  success.  It  was 
not  as  he  believed  then  proper  to  quarrel  about 


300  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

the  manner  of  navigation,  which  had  brought  the 
ship  among  the  rocks  or  exposed  her  to  the  storm, 
but  to  engage  with  one  heart  and  one  common 
exertion  to  carry  her  with  safety  through  the  bat 
tle  and  the  breeze. 

These  sentiments,  which  patriotism  cannot  dis 
approve,  were  too  sensible  and  too  moderate  to 
meet  the  excited  feelings  of  the  community.  They 
left  him  for  the  moment  without  the  honours, 
which  party  and  faction  bestow  on  their  leaders, 
but  they  were  remembered  to  his  credit  when  pas 
sions,  which  then  confounded  the  reason  of  the 
community,  had  become  tranquillized  and  still. 

The  progress  of  affairs  and  the  happy  termi 
nation  of  the  difficulties  with  France  justify  the 
correctness  of  those  views,  which  Mr.  Gerry  had 
entertained  of  the  interests  of  his  country.  In  the 
midst  of  all  the  pride,  pomp  and  circumstance  of 
war,  of  brilliant  preparation  on  land  and  triumph 
on  the  ocean,  the  executive  chief  saw  fit  to  put 
his  own  hand  to  the  helm,  and  suddenly  to  change 
the  direction  of  his  ship. 

Against  the  advice  of  all  his  ministers,  Mr.  Ad 
ams  on  18th  February  1799,  instituted  'a  new 
mission  to  France. 

On  the  12th  May  1800,  Mr.  Pickering  was  dis 
missed  from  the  office  of  secretary  of  state.  On 
the  14th  the  provisional  army  was  disbanded.  Mr. 
Dexter  superseded  Mr.  M'Henry  as  secretary  of 
war. 

The  apparently  sudden  decision  of  Mr.  Adams' 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  301 

mind  was  the  result  of  care,  examination,  reflec 
tion  and  judgment.  He  had  been  at  Quincy*  a 
chief  part  of  the  summer  and  autumn  of  '9ft. 
His  personal  interviews  there  and  at  Cambridge 
had  been  most  frequent,  free  and  confidential  with 
Mr.  Gerry,  who  early  succeeded  in  dispelling 
those  prejudices  at  his  own  conduct,  with  which 
it  was  first  surrounded,  and  afterwards  in  impress 
ing  on  Mr.  Adams  the  views  of  American  policy 
in  relation  to  France,  which  his  personal  observa 
tion  had  matured.  Mr.  Adams  departed  for  Phila 
delphia  persuaded  of  the  correctness  of  those  prin 
ciples,  which  Mr.  Gerry  had  enforced,  but  alarmed 
and  unhappy  at  the  strength  and  combination, 
which  in  and  around  his  cabinet  pressed  on  his 
attention  others  of  a  different  character.  The 
language  of  his  speech  on  the  opening  of  con 
gress,  incites  to  military  preparation,  not  so  much 
for  actual  warfare,  as  a  weapon  of  diplomacy.  It 
is  easy  to  perceive  in  it  the  change  his  mind  had 
undergone.  His  expurgation  of  the  secretary's 
animadversions  on  Mr.  Gerry  is  of  similar  tenden 
cy.  The  repeal  of  the  French  arrctte  of  20th 
October  '93,  communicated  to  congress  on  15th 
February  '99,  was  in  further  aid  of  his  new  views. 
Talleyrand's  letter  to  Pichon  of  28th  Septem 
ber  1798,  which  was  indeed  but  a  repetition  of 
Talleyrand's  constant  language  to  Mr.  Gerry, 
completed  his  conviction,  and  the  new  mission 

*  The  president's  residence  in  Massachusetts,  seven  miles  from 
Boston. 


302  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

was  instituted,  which  in  his  own  language  saved 
the  peace  of  the  nation.  The  success  of  this  mis 
sion,  honourable  as  it  was  to  the  political  charac 
ter  of  the  president,  was  yet  in  strong  confirma 
tion  of  the  sentiments  and  policy  of  his  opponents. 
It  made  their  prophecy  fact,  and  largely  contribut 
ed  to  that  change  in  public  affairs,  which  in  a  few 
months  placed  the  power  of  the  government  in 
their  hands.  The  republican  party  rallied  under 
the  excitement  of  these  new  events. 

In  Massachusetts  they  offered  their  support  to 
Mr.  Gerry  for  the  office  of  governour,  in  opposi 
tion  to  Caleb  Strong,  who  was  proposed  by  the 
federalists.  Two  years  before,  the  republican 
party  had  but  a  single  member  in  the  senate  of 
the  state.  On  counting  the  votes  it  was  now  found 
that  "  the  whole  number  was  39059,  of  which 
19530  made  a  choice;  that  Mr.  Strong  had  19630 
and  was  chosen." 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  inaugurated  president  of  the 
United  States  on  4th  March  1801,  and  a  new  ef 
fort  was  made  by  the  republican  party  to  assimi 
late  the  political  character  of  the  state  to  that  of 
the  nation.  Mr.  Gerry  very  reluctantly  consented 
again  to  permit  his  name  to  appear  as  a  candidate 
for  the  chair,  and  a  canvass  of  great  animation  and 
much  virulence,  terminated  in  the  reelection  of 
the  former  governour. t  From  these  several  ex- 

*  Report  of  Com.  of  Mass,  legis. 

f  Mr.  G.  received  20169  out  of  45816  votes. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  303 

crtions  Mr.  Gerry  could  derive  no  other  satisfac 
tion  than  in  finding  he  still  possessed  the  confi 
dence  of  that  great  political  party  with  whom  he 
had  always  been  associated,  and  whose  physical 
weakness  wras  the  cause,  and  not  any  deficiency 
of  energy  or  zeal,  that  he  was  not  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  state. 

Retiring  now  from  the  turmoils  of  political 
affairs,  Mr.  Gerry  was  once  again  at  liberty  to 
attend  to  his  favourite  pursuits,  to  cultivate  his 
farm,  to  superintend  the  education  of  his  children 
and  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  domestic  life.  Un 
fortunately  however,  the  peace,  that  would  have 
followed  this  cessation  of  public  labours,  was  in 
terrupted  by  a  circumstance  that  served  to  embar 
rass  the  whole  future  of  his  life.  A  friend,  for 
whom  he  had  become  surety  to  a  large  amount, 
failed  and  left  him  with  a  weight  of  pecuniary 
obligations,  from  which  he  was  never  able  after 
wards  to  extricate  himself. 

The  cares  and  anxiety,  to  which  this  derange 
ment  of  his  finances  subjected  him,  checked  his 
political  correspondence  and  his  connexion  with 
the  more  animating  scenes  of  society,  but  had  no 
eflect  on  his  domestic  intercourse,  or  the  happi 
ness,  which  was  enjoyed  in  his  family  circle. 
Whatever  were  his  disappointments  abroad,  and 
groat  as  must  have  been  his  anxiety  for  the  future 
prospects  of  a  numerous  and  dependent  establish 
ment,  the  same  serenity  of  disposition,  the  same 


304  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

amiable  and  endearing  manners,  the  same  anima 
ting  and  cheerful  temper,  which  made  him  so 
much  the  object  of  affectionate  interest,  continued 
to  disguise  the  agitation  of  his  heart.  The  circle 
of  his  hospitality  was  diminished,  the  expensive 
assistance,  which  he  had  brought  to  his  own  efforts 
in  education  was  curtailed,  and  its  cares  divided 
with  his  accomplished  companion ;  a  necessary 
but  still  elegant  frugality  presided  over  his  house 
hold  ;  his  amusements  and  occupation,  which  had 
before  extended  over  a  wider  circle,  now  settled 
within  the  family  limits,  which  seemed  to  give 
them  new  strength  by  compression. 

But  another  and  severer  misfortune  awaited 
him.  She  in  whose  society  his  peculiarly  affec 
tionate  feelings  found  their  sweetest  consolation, 
and  who  seemed,  by  the  extraordinary  attachment 
which  bound  him  to  her,  not  only  a  substitute  for 
all  other  pleasures,  but  in  herself  almost  the  sole 
satisfaction  of  life,  was  visited  by  a  dangerous  and 
long  continued  malady,  which  engrossed  all  his 
solicitude  and  care. 

The  intervals  of  the  distressing  disease,  to  which 
she  was  a  victim,  served  but  feebly  to  recruit  his 
own  strength,  which  watching  and  anxiety  under 
mined,  and  hardly  allowed  him  any  other  relaxa 
tion  or  employment  than  his  farm  or  his  family 
demanded. 

Notwithstanding  these  severe  trials  the  occa 
sional  visitor  at  his  friendly  mansion  was  delighted 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  305 

with  the  assumed  cheerfulness  of  his  manners,  the 
ease  and  freedom  of  his  conversation,  abounding 
with  anecdote  and  the  recital  of  by -gone  events, 
piquant  and  full  of  wit,  which  under  the  control 
of  good  feelings  never  inflicted  a  voluntary  wound. 

It  was  at  this  period  of  comparative  seclusion, 
that  the  author,  then  an  undergraduate  at  Harvard 
University,  first  became  acquainted  with  the  indi 
vidual  of  whom  he  is  writing,  and  acquired  those 
sentiments  of  respect  and  esteem,  which  matured 
in  the  course  of  a  more  intimate  connexion  may 
perhaps  be  thought  to  guide  a  too  favourable  pen 
cil  in  giving  this  account  of  his  public  services  and 
his  private  character.  But  the  impressions,  which 
he  then  received,  were  not  made  on  him  alone.  No 
one  was  a  greater  favourite  with  the  young  than 
Mr.  Gerry.  He  accommodated  his  manners  to 
their  feelings,  habits  and  taste.  With  a  dignity 
of  deportment  and  an  elevation  of  character  that 
commanded  their  respect,  there  was  a  freedom  of 
manners  and  an  indulgent  disposition,  which  won 
their  affections  and  secured  their  confidence. 

He  has  been  called  reserved  and  austere,  but 
only  by  those  to  whom  he  was  not  personally 
known.  The  little  arts,  by  which  popularity  is 
often  secured,  were  indeed  wholly  unknown  to 
him.  He  rested  his  claims  to  public  favour  on  the 
merit  that  deserved  it,  without  descending  to 
court  the  applause  of  the  people,  by  flattering 
their  vices  or  ministering  to  their  ranity.  He 

VOL.  n.  39 


306  LIFE    OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

was  rarely  if  ever  at  their  primary  meetings,  con 
sidering  as  below  his  rank  in  political  estimation 
the  management  of  the  materials  of  a  party ;  and 
they  who  found  themselves  courted  by  other  can 
didates  for  their  favour,  not  unwillingly  attributed 
his  reserve  to  pride  or  disdain. 

But  nothing  could  be  more  inappropriately  said 
of  him  than  that  he  was  austere.  His  fault  was 
of  an  opposite  kind.  A  fond  and  affectionate  hus 
band,  a  kind  and  indulgent  parent,  a  friendly 
neighbour,  most  liberal  in  hospitality,  and  generous 
in  his  contributions  to  alleviate  distress,  he  was 
entitled  to  high  rank  in  the  calendar  of  the  hu 
mane  and  beneficent.  His  exertions  to  do  good 
within  the  circle  of  his  personal  influence  were 
limited  only  by  his  means.  It  was  the  habit  of 
his  life  to  consider  nothing  a  sacrifice,  which  add 
ed  to  the  comfort  of  his  friends,  and  wholly  to 
forget  all  self-interested  motives  in  his  endeavours 
to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  humbler  mem 
bers  of  society. 

Two  circumstances  have  contributed  to  the 
erroneous  estimate,  which  in  this  respect  has  been 
made  of  his  character.  The  furrows  of  care  were 
early  traced  on  his  countenance.  This  appear 
ance,  with  a  singular  habit  of  contracting  and  ex 
panding  very  rapidly  the  muscles  of  the  eye,  gave 
to  his  features  the  appearance  of  sternness,  which 
had  really  no  connexion  with  his  mind. 

Another  cause  for  this  opinion  was  the  severity 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  307 

of  his  administration  of  the  state  government. 
Numerous  removals  from  office  produced  much 
individual  suffering,  which  was  naturally  enough 
charged  to  the  governour.  It  is  not  proper  to  an 
ticipate  occurrences,  which  remain  to  be  related, 
further  than  to  say,  that  much  of  that  course  was 
in  no  degree  attributable  to  him,  and  that  his  re 
luctant  share  in  it  caused  him  many  of  the  most 
painful  moments  of  his  life.  With  all  the  clamour 
at  the  time,  the  objects  of  his  party  \vere  not 
thoroughly  accomplished,  because  the  chief  ma 
gistrate  shrunk  from  inflicting  personal  distress ; 
and  many  individuals  were  left  in  the  enjoyment 
of  official  station,  whom  the  stern  decrees  of  po 
litical  proscription  had  selected  for  sacrifice. 

It  \Vds  with  more  truth  he  was  accused  of  ob 
stinacy.  Forming  his  opinions  with  deliberation, 
he  yielded  them  with  reluctance.  Feeling  the 
conviction  produced  by  thorough  investigation  it 
was  not  easy  to  change  his  results.  The  tenacity 
with  which  lie  clung  to  such  sentiments  as  his 
judgment  approved,  may  at  times  have  been  too 
determined,  and  probably  obstinate. 

This  tendency  was  increased  by  another,  which 
was  the  weakest  trait  of  his  mind,  lie  was  ha 
bitually  suspicious.  Accustomed  in  the  early  pe 
riod  of  his  life  to  watch  with  a  jealous  eye,  the 
actions  and  opinions  of  those  who  administered 
the  government,  to  anticipate  evil  even  for  osten 
sible  good,  and  to  calculate  on  coming  danger  be- 


308  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

fore  even  its  shadow  could  be  seen,  he  acquired 
an  indisposition  to  give  his  confidence  easily, 
readily  or  freely.  This  habit  increased  as  he 
advanced  in  life,  for  "  confidence  is  a  plant  of 
slow  growth  in  an  aged  bosom."  There  was  lit 
tle  of  the  art  of  acquiring  popularity  in  entertain 
ing  such  a  state  of  mind  ;  less  in  letting  it  be 
seen.  They  who  were  associated  with  him  were 
often  oppressed  with  a  conviction  that  he  was 
doubtful  of  their  sincerity,  and  this  feeling  on  their 
part  generated  a  state  of  things  which  otherwise 
would  not  have  existed.  It  is  something  anoma 
lous  in  the  history  of  character,  that  an  individual 
punctiliously  upright  in  his  own  conduct,  should 
unwillingly  admit  the  sincerity  of  others. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  an  exemplary  citizen  in  all  the 
duties  of  private  life.  Adhering  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  Episcopal  church,  he  was  serious  without 
bigotry,  and  liberal  enough  to  admit  that  although 
that  sect  was  most  satisfactory  to  himself,  it  was 
not  entitled  to  arrogate  superiority  over  others,  into 
which  the  Christian  world  was  divided. 

In  his  temper,  he  was  naturally  ardent  and  im 
petuous,  but  in  the  course  of  a  most  intimate  ac 
quaintance,  and  under  excitements  calculated  to 
give  full  play  to  the  passions,  the  writer  never 
saw  them  break  their  boundary,  or  get  the  mas 
tery  of  his  mind. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  of  middling  stature  and  spare 
frame.  A  large  broad  head,  high  and  prominent 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  309 

forehead,  and  a  quick  piercing  and  expressive  eye, 
completed  the  outline  of  a  striking  physiognomy. 
Extremely  temperate  in  all  the  indulgences  of 
pleasure,  he  preserved  a  constitution,  not  originally 
robust,  in  a  good  degree  of  strength,  so  that  to  his 
latest  day  he  never  used  a  cane,  and  was  able  to 
read  the  smallest  print  without  the  aid  of  glasses. 

The  refined  pleasures  of  intellectual  life,  the 
conversation  of  educated  females,  and  the  charms 
of  polished  society,  were  his  most  admired  re 
laxation  from  the  laborious  and  patient  industry, 
which  he  was  accustomed  to  devote  to  political 
duties ;  and  in  these  circles  of  intelligence  and 
taste,  his  own  contribution  to  the  general  amuse 
ment,  was  readily  bestowed  and  most  highly  ap 
preciated.  Belonging  to  that  school  of  manners, 
which  commenced  under  the  royal  government, 
and  perfected  its  pupils  in  the  camp  and  cabinet 
of  the  revolution,  regulating  the  deportment  with 
courtesy  towards  others,  and  a  personal  dignity 
that  never  lost  its  self-respect,  lofty  without  ar 
rogance,  affable  without  familiarity,  he  was  at 
all  time  and  under  all  circumstances,  entitled  to 
the  reputation  of  a  perfect  gentleman. 

The  retirement  he  enjoyed  during  the  period 
under  review,  wras  varied  by  two  incidents  of  a 
political  character.  In  J804,  he  was  a  member 
of  the  electoral  college  of  Massachusetts,  by  the 
unexpected  success  of  the  republican  party,  and 
joined  in  the  unanimous  vote  given  by  the  electors 


310  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

of  the  state  to  Thomas  Jefferson  for  president,  and 
George  Clinton  for  vice-president,  of  the  United 
States.  The  venerable  James  Warren  of  Ply 
mouth,  long  the  correspondent  and  always  the 
friend  of  Mr.  Gerry,  was  president  of  this  college, 
and  in  this  act  completed  the  public  services  of 
his  valuable  life. 

The  attack  made  in  1808  by  the  British  ship 
Leopard  on  the  American  frigate  Chesapeake, 
presented  another  occasion  for  his  influence  with 
his  fellow  citizens. 

In  order  to  give  a  full  expression  to  the  public 
feeling  and  to  strengthen  the  administration  in 
such  measures  of  resistance  as  the  exigency  might 
demand,  it  was  determined  to  hold  a  body  meeting 
in  Boston,  as  was  the  usage  in  the  earlier  periods 
of  the  colonial  controversy.*  The  state-house 
was  selected  for  this  purpose,  but  the  concourse 
of  people  soon  filled  the  hall  and  the  multitude 
collected  on  an  open  area  at  the  north. 

Upon  the  uppermost  of  the  steps  which  led 
from  the  floor  of  the  building,  arid  exactly  on  the 
spot  where  now  stands  Chantry's  magnificent  sta 
tue  of  Washington,  a  table  was  placed  for  the 
moderator. 

A  gentleman  announced  that  Elbridge  Gerry 
was  in  town,  and  moved  that  "  this  patriot  dis 
tinguished  in  the  first  movements  of  resistance  to 
a  haughty  adversary"  be  invited  to  preside  over 

*  Hutchinsora,  3d  vol.  p.  430. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  311 

the  present  deliberations.  The  motion  was  car 
ried  by  acclamation,  and  a  committee  appointed 
to  conduct  him  to  the  chair. 

Mr.  Gerry  then  hardly  recovered  from  a  disease 
from  which  even  fatal  consequences  had  been  ap 
prehended,  was  at  the  house  of  a  friend  a  short 
distance  from  the  assembly,  without  having  had 
any  notice  of  the  meeting,  or  the  most  dis 
tant  idea  of  being  called  to  preside.  He  readily 
accepted  the  invitation,  and  walked  with  the  com 
mittee  by  the  usual  avenue  to  the  gothic  hall  of 
the  state-house.  Nothing  indicative  of  a  conven 
tion  was  visible.  Scarcely  a  solitary  passenger 
crossed  his  path.  As  ignorant  of  the  location  as 
signed  him,  as  the  assembly  was  of  his  approach, 
he  was  conducted  across  the  hall,  when  the  folding 
doors  were  thrown  open,  and  he  found  himself  not 
only  in  the  presence  of  several  thousands  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  but  in  the  place  appointed  for 
their  moderator,  and  actually  presiding  in  their 
councils. 

Surprise  could  not  be  more  complete  either  to 
him  or  them.  Bowing  in  acknowledgment  for 
the  plaudits,  which  seemed  to  shake  the  very 
skies,  and  allowed  him  a  moment  to  recover  his 
self-possession,  he  addressed  the  assembly  in  the 
following  animated  sentence. 

o 

I  had  not  anticipated  that  at  my  time  of  life, 
there  could  have  been  a  scene  like  the  present, 
but  I  yield  to  the  call  that  is  made  on  me,  as  I 


312  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

hold  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  citizen,  though  he 
may  have  but  one  day  to  live,  to  devote  that  day 
to  the  good  of  his  country. 

This  sentiment,  indicative  of  the  governing 
principle  of  his  life,  is  the  epitaph  recorded  on 
his  monument,  and  was  then  reechoed  by  an  ap 
proving  multitude,  who  felt  that  the  virtue  of  the 
revolution  was  resuscitated  at  a  crisis,  which  call 
ed  for  a  similar  exercise  of  its  energy  and  zeal. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  313 


CHAPTER    X. 

Elected governour  of  Massachusetts Conciliatory  temper  of  the 

administration Degree  of  doctor  of  laics  conferred  on  him  by 

Harvard  College Inauguration  of  president  Kirkland Re- 
elected  governour  of  Massachusetts Itolicy  of  the  administra 
tion  changed Speech  to  (he  legislature .Measures  of  the 

republican  party Their  character  considered Doctrine  of 

libel Correspondence  with  judge  Parker Message  to  the 

legislature  on  the  same  subject .Message  on  the  resources  of  the 

state Complies  with  the  requisition  of  the  government  of  the 

United  States  for  a  detachment  of  militia Is  superseded  as 

governour  of  .Massachusetts. 

FROM  this  long  period  of  repose,  Mr.  Gerry  was 
unexpectedly  awakened  by  a  call  on  him  again  to 
become  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  jrovernour  of 

o 

the  commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

A  nomination  had  usually  been  made  during  the 
sitting  of  the  legislature,  and  the  first  suggestion 
of  an  intention  of  again  presenting  his  name  to  the 
public,  was  communicated  to  him  by  a  committee 
of  gentlemen,  who  reported  that  he  had  been, 
with  great  unanimity,  selected  by  the  republican 
party.  At  the  earnest  solicitation  of  his  political 
friends,  but  in  his  own  language,  "  at  the  sacrifice 
of  domestic  and  family  interests,  and  with  great 
personal  inconvenience,"  he  assented  to  the  request. 

A  canvass  now  commenced,  which  exceeded  in 
its  violence  whatever  had  before;  occurred  of  y 

VOL.   n.  1° 


314  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

similar  character.  If  in  its  progress  the  subject 
of  this  memoir  was  assailed  with  every  vitupera 
tive  epithet,  and  presented  to  the  public  in  the 
most  odious  points  of  view,  it  does  not  diminish 
the  pain  of  the  recollection,  that  his  rival,  the 
then  incumbent  of  the  chair,  was  treated  with 
equal  asperity. 

Governour  Gore  had  been  elected  the  chief  ex 
ecutive  magistrate  of  the  state,  by  the  strength  of 
the  federal  party,  and  held  his  claim  to  their  con 
fidence  and  respect  by  a  cordial  cooperation  in  all 
the  essential  measures  of  their  policy.  So  far  he 
was  the  legitimate  object  of  attack  by  those,  who 
differed  from  him  in  the  principles  of  government, 
and  in  their  views  of  the  political  system  ;  but 
there  was  an  honesty  of  heart,  a  courtesy  of  man 
ners,  and  a  generosity  of  feeling  in  this  distin 
guished  civilian,  which  ought  to  have  protected 
him  from  the  arrows  of  malevolence  and  slander. 

The  misty  medium  of  party  prejudice  magnifies 
the  errors  of  public  men,  while  it  as  often  gives 
them  a  factitious  importance,  which  disappears 
with  the  returning  light  of  intelligence  and  reason. 
Mr.  Gore  lived  through  the  period  of  storm  and 
turbulence,  and  it  has  been  said  of  him  with  equal 
truth  and  elegance,  that  "  his  was  a  pure  spirit, 
high  and  looking  upward.  His  taste  was  refined, 
his  sensibility  acute,  his  feelings  manly,  generous, 
independent.  He  had  the  most  elevated  ideas  of 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  315 

public  and  private  duty,  and  his  conduct  was  always 
in  perfect  conformity  with  his  principles.  In  times 
of  excitement  he  was  calm  and  just ;  in  times  of 
corruption  pure." 

The  election  terminated  in  favour  of  Mr.  Gerry, 
who  entered  on  the  duties  of  his  office  on  the 
second  day  of  June  1810. 

It  has  been  the  misfortune  of  the  United  States 
that  dissensions  among  their  citizens,  on  the  cor 
rect  course  of  their  own  national  policy,  had  such 
relation  to  their  connexion  with  foreign  powers, 
as  to  involve  the  separate  parties  in  the  imputa 
tion  of  attachments  or  antipathies  wholly  indepen 
dent  of  any  motive  of  patriotism.  It  wras  emi 
nently  so  at  this  period.  The  conduct  of  the  bel 
ligerents  sacrificed  to  their  own  advantage  the 
rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States  when- 

O 

ever  they  presented  obstacles  to  the  great  objects 
of  their  controversy,  while  the  folly  of  a  war  with 
both  at  the  same  time,  and  the  inconveniences  and 
evils  resulting  from  the  necessary  movements  of 
diplomacy  to  prevent  it,  constantly  gave  fuel  to 
the  flames  of  that  party  zeal,  which  is  the  insepa 
rable  concomitant  of  liberty.  From  the  period  of 
Mr.  Jefferson's  election  to  the  presidency,  in  March 
1801,  the  government  of  the  United  States,  in  all 
its  departments  had  been  decidedly  in  the  hands 
of  the  democratic  party,  and  their  strength  had 
so  rapidly  and  steadily  increased,  that  the  check, 
which  opposition  exerts  on  public  measures,  had 


316  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ceased  to  enforce  its  salutary  restraint.  The  nearly 
unanimous  reelection  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1805, 
and  the  triumphant  majority,  which  in  1809  placed 
Mr.  Madison  in  the  executive  chair,  had  broken 
down  the  federal  party,  which  though  still  organ 
ized  in  the  national  legislature,  and  represented 
by  individuals  of  talent  and  character,  was  rather 
calculated  by  its  situation  to  irritate  the  dominant 
party  than  control  it.  In  Massachusetts  however, 
the  case  was  directly  the  reverse.  For  nearly  the 
whole  period,  in  which  the  people  had  divided 
themselves  into  political  parties,  the  government 
had  been  in  federal  hands.  The  restraints  upon 
commerce,  which  the  national  councils  had  deem 
ed  wrise  to  impose,  operated  severely  on  a  people 
essentially  commercial  in  their  feelings,  habits 
and  interest,  and  combined  with  other  measures, 
in  which  it  was  generally  believed  their  advantage 
was  but  little  consulted,  to  array  against  the  na 
tional  government  a  very  decided  majority  of  the 
citizens.  But  the  friends  of  the  national  adminis 
tration  had  not  been  inactive.  Twice  by  the 
election  of  governour  Sullivan,  they  had  succeeded 
in  acquiring  powrer,  which  was  wrested  from  them 
almost  as  soon  as  possessed.  The  time  now 
presented  a  favourable  opportunity  for  another 
effort,  and  the  whole  democratic  party  in  the  state 
united  in  support  of  Mr.  Gerry.  They  were 
opposed  by  the  entire  force  of  the  federalists,  who 
clung  to  the  government  of  this  state  as  the  chief 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  317 

citadel  of  their  strength  ;  and  overthrown  in  the 
general  and  other  local  governments  of  the  con 
federacy  found  it  necessary  to  preserve  here  the 
last  remnants  of  their  power,  until  times  more 
favourable  to  their  views,  should  give  them  a 
wider  field  of  operation.  Their  whole  strength 
was  accordingly  exerted  to  prevent  Mr.  Gerry's 
election,  and  each  party  entered  into  the  conflict 
with  hearts  of  controversy.  The  parties  thus  en 
gaged  were  too  nearly  matched,  both  in  address 
and  numbers,  to  have  rendered  it  certain  on  which 
side  the  balance  would  incline,  but  a  third  party 
was  found  to  take  the  field,  and  by  their  over 
powering  weight  to  settle  the  conflict. 

This  party  consisted  of  the  few  but  venerable 
survivors  of  the  revolution,  whose  personal  ac 
quaintance  had  impressed  on  their  minds  the  con 
stant  and  important  services  of  Mr.  Gerry  in  the 
early  days  of  danger  and  anxiety,  together  with  a 
class  of  educated  and  ardent  youth,  who  not  having 
before  mixed  in  political  conflicts, brought  with  thnn 
those  feelings  and  principles  in  favour  of  a  patriot 
of  the  revolution,  which  the  history  of  its  times 
were  well  calculated  to  inspire.  Mr.  Gerry  seem 
ed  to  have  been  awakened  from  his  lon»;  inactivity, 
and  to  come  before  the  electoral  population  like 
the  last  of  the  Romans,  the  only  one  in  the  splen 
did  assembly  of  revolutionary  worthies  whom  the 
generation  now  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  labour, 
would,  in  the  progress  of  events,  be  permitted  to 
honour. 


318  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

His  rival  Mr.  Gore,  had  been  too  young  to  en 
gage  in  the  great  struggle  for  independence.  His 
friends  remembered  indeed,  that  when  just  leav 
ing  college,  he  had  marched  with  a  volunteer 
corps  to  the  defence  of  Rhode  Island ;  but  this 
solitary  instance  of  duty  was  almost  ludicrous  in 
comparison  with  the  long  and  splendid  and  emi 
nent  services  of  the  associate  of  the  patriots  in 
the  congress  of  independence.  Attachment  to 
the  principles  and  gratitude  to  the  agents  of  the 
revolution  triumphed  over  the  violence  of  politi 
cal  feeling,  and  the  democratic  party,  assisted  by 
the  fortunate  selection  of  a  candidate,  were  victo 
rious  at  the  polls. 

It  would  have  been  well  for  them  to  have  re 
membered  in  the  exultation  of  success,  the  means 
by  which  it  was  achieved,  and  to  have  moderated 
their  triumph  by  a  regard  to  the  insecure  founda 
tion  on  which  it  stood. 

But  the  leaders  of  the  party  believed  that  the 
state  was  revolutionized,  and  that  their  triumph 
over  their  antagonists  was  the  final  overthrow  of 
the  federal  power  in  the  last  portion  of  its  terri 
tory.  They  were  the  more  satisfied  of  this,  be 
cause  they  had  exactly  divided  the  senate,  and 
had  obtained  in  the  house  of  representatives  a 
majority,  which  gave  them  the  control  of  the 
elections  in  joint  ballot  of  the  two  houses. 

The  speech  of  the  governour  to  the  legislature, 
the  first  measure  of  his  administration  was  tern- 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERftY.  319 

perate  and  conciliatory.  It  inculcated  the  neces 
sity  of  union.  In  a  review  of  the  course  pursued 
by  foreign  powers,  he  justified  the  measures  of 
the  national  government,  and  exhorted  the  com 
munity  to  an  union  of  effort  in  its  support.  His 
references  to  the  revolution  for  illustration  of  the 
several  measures  connected  with  state  policy  was 
calculated  to  preserve  the  title,  by  which  he  ac 
quired  his  situation,  and  to  soften  the  asperity  of 
opposition.  In  enumerating  the  advantages  which 
the  country  possessed,  he  said  "  When  we  reflect 
that  the  United  States  are  in  possession  of  nu 
merous  blessings,  political,  civil  and  religious, 
many  of  which  are  not  enjoyed  by  any  other  na 
tion,  that  we  are  remote  from  those  scenes  of 
war  and  carnage,  by  which  Europe  is  vested  in 
sable,  that  we  enjoy  the  uncontrolled  right  on  prin 
ciples  of  true  liberty,  to  form,  alter  and  carry  into 
effect,  our  federal  amis  tate  constitutions,  that 
founded  on  them  and  on  law,  there  exists  a  spirit 
of  toleration,  securing  to  every  one  the  undisturb 
ed  rights  of  conscience  and  the  free  exercise  of 
religion,  that  the  people  at  fixed  periods  have  the 
choice  of  their  rulers,  and  can  remove  those  who 
do  wrong,  that  the  means  of  education  in  all  its 
branches  are  liberal,  general  and  successful,  that 
the  national  strength,  resources  and  powers,  by 
proper  arrangements  may  render  these  states  in 
vincible,  that  by  our  husbandry,  commerce,  manu 
factures,  and  mechanic  arts,  the  wealth  of  this 


320  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

country  almost  surpasses  credibility,  let  us  not  be 
prompted  by  imprudent  zealots  of  any  description 
to  hazard  the  irretrievable  loss  of  all  or  of  any  of 
these  inestimable  blessings,  but  let  us  secure  them 
forever,  with  the  aid  of  divine  providence,  by  ral 
lying  around  the  standard  of  our  national  govern 
ment,  and  by  encouraging  and  establishing  a  mar 
tial  spirit  on  the  solid  foundation  of  internal  peace, 
order  and  concord. 

The  answers  of  the  two  houses  were  respect 
ful  and  affectionate,  even  beyond  the  common 
courtesy  of  the  official  style.  The  house  of  repre 
sentatives  say  "  to  the  course  .of  your  excellency's 
administration  we  look  with  pleasing  anticipation. 
We  consider  the  past  conduct  of  public  characters 
as  the  safest  pledge  of  their  future  course.  And 
with  impressions  of  this  nature  we  feel  assured 
that  under  your  guidance  a  spirit  of  harmony  will 
pervade  our  councils,  that  the  national  govern 
ment  and  sister  states  \vill  receive  the  respect 
which  is  their  due,  and  that  the  great  interests 
of  the  commonwealth  under  the  fostering  care  of 
the  government  will  receive  every  assistance  they 
may  need,  and  every  encouragement  in  our  power 
to  bestow." 

The  senate  commenced  their  answer  in  the  fol 
lowing  language  : 

On  the  first  meeting  of  the  several  branches  of 
the  government,  the  senate  respectfully  recognize 
in  the  person  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  Massa- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  321 

chusetts,  the  man  who  so  eminently  contributed 
by  his  revolutionary  services  to  establish  the  inde 
pendence,  and  secure  the  peace  and  prosperity  of 
our  country.  The  zeal  and  fidelity  with  which 
these  services  were  rendered,  afford  to  us  a  pledge 
that  in  discharging  the  duties  of  the  high  and  hon 
ourable  trust  committed  to  you  by  a  majority  of 
the  people,  your  excellency  will  be  uninfluenced 
by  the  sinister  suggestions  of  party  spirit,  but  will 
be  guided  by  a  sincere  and  single  regard  to  the 
great  interests  of  the  whole  commonwealth. 

This  confidence  is  strengthened  by  the  reflec 
tion,  that  during  the  conflict  which  for  many  years 
lias  agitated  almost  every  part  of  our  community, 
your  excellency  has  been  aloof  from  the  scene  of 
contention,  and  we  trust  therefore  has  advanced 
to  the  chair  of  government,  unbiassed  by  those 
passions  and  prejudices,  which  are  in  some  degree 
common  to  all  who  have  been  actively  engaged  in 
the  warfare  of  public'  opinion. 

The  suggestions  here  made  were  most  perfect 
ly  true.  AY "ith  the  directors  of  political  parties  the 
long  retirement  of  Mr.  Gerry  had  given  him  no 
opportunity  to  be  intimate.  The  changes,  which 
time  had  made  in  the  members  of  the  different 
departments  of  the  government  had  left  him  al 
most  without  personal  acquaintance  with  them, 
and  the  desire,  which  his  party  had  to  place  his 
name  as  a  candidate  at  their  head,  had  itself,  if 
there  had  been  no  other  reason,  rendered  his  ad- 

VOL.    ii.  1 1 


322  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

vance  to  the  chief  magistracy  wholly  independent 
of  all  conditions,  stipulations  and  expectancies. 
In  his  own  political  sentiments,  matured  as  they 
were  by  time  and  experience,  he  was  immovably 
confirmed ;  but  in  regard  to  individuals  or  partiesy 
other  than  as  they  came  recommended  by  charac 
ter  and  conduct,  he  was  impartial,  unfettered 
and  independent. 

But  after  all,  what  is  the  worth  of  a  victory  if 
the  enemy  are  allowed  to  possess  the  spoils. 
Of  what  consequence  is  it  who  are  masters  of  the 
field  so  long  as  the  vanquished  retain  their  pos 
sessions  ?  The  battle  between  the  great  political 
parties  had  been  fought  at  the  ballot  boxes  again 
and  again,  and  constant  defeat  had  embittered  and 
exasperated  the  disappointed  competitors.  They 
beheld  for  a  long  series  of  years  the  honours  and 
emoluments  of  office,  the  pride  of  place  and  dig 
nity  of  station,  held  by  their  political  adversaries 
until  the  reproach  of  being  a  democrat  was  con 
sidered  as  impassable  a  barrier  to  public  station,  as 
the  want  of  moral  character  or  intellectual  ability. 
The  moment  of  their  triumph  was  therefore  a  fit 
time  for  retaliation,  and  the  victory  they  at  last 
had  won  was  to  be  consummated  by  its  honours  and 
rewards.  This  determination,  which  was  in  some 
respect  the  language  of  excited  feeling  and  the 
expression  of  natural  passion,  derived  no  little 
support  from  the  principles  of  justice. 

The  limited  legislation  of  the  states  gives  rise 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  323 

to  few  questions  of  high  character.  The  general 
policy  of  all  parties  is  in  most  respects  the  same 
in  time  of  peace.  Changes  in  administration 
are  marked  rather  by  changing  individuals  who 
manage  affairs,  than  by  any  great  variation  in  the 
affairs  that  are  managed.  The  party  who  now 
came  into  power,  found  all  the  posts  of  honour 
and  profit  in  possession  of  their  enemies,  and  this 
possession  so  confirmed  by  time  and  arrangement, 
as  to  be  apparently  the  result  of  premeditated 
purpose. 

The  judicial  department,  the  most  stable  and 
the  most  efficient  in  its  operation,  was  from  the 
chief  justiceship  to  the  crier  of  the  court,  wholly 
in  federal  hands.  As  a  consequence  of  this,  the 
bar,  with  hardly  sufficient  exception  to  be  noticed, 
added  all  the  force  of  professional  character  to  the 
federal  cause.  The  literature  of  the  state,  so  far 
as  it  had  official  form,  was  under  the  same  con 
trol.  Colleges  and  learned  societies  seemed  to 
have  settled  a  sort  of  common  law,  that  the  hon 
ours  of  science  would  be  as  inappropriately  be 
stowed  upon  democracy  as  the  chef  d'ouvres  of 
taste  upon  the  aborigines  of  the  country.  In  its 
connexion  with  the  national  government,  the  state 
had  always  been  represented  by  the  same  political 
class,  their  members  in  the  United  States  senate 
having  been  invariably  selected  from  the  federal 
party.  It  had  been  the  policy  of  the  federalists  to 
inspire  the  opinion,  and  it  was  their  belief  probably, 


324  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

for  self-love  is  exceedingly  credulous  of  praise,  that 
in  their  ranks  were  contained  all  the  talents  and  all 
the  learning,  and  all  the  moral  character  of  the 
country,  and  as  the  Romans  looked  upon  the  rest 
of  mankind  as  barbarians,  so  they  were  pleased 
to  consider  their  fellow  citizens  on  the  democratic 
side,  as  little  better  than  the  Goths  and  Vandals, 
into  whose  power  had  unfortunately  fallen  the 
heritage  of  the  state. 

The  long  period  of  submission  to  this  contemp 
tuous  demeanour,  which  the  democrats  had  been 
forced  to  endure,  had  not  diminished  those  indig 
nant  feelings,  which  are  excited  in  the  minds  of 
honourable  men  by  injustice  and  insult,  and  it 
prepared  them  to  take  advantage  of  their  success, 
without  much  regard  to  those  considerations  of 
prudence,  which  were  calculated  to  preserve  it. 

The  legislature  set  the  example.  Every  ap 
pointment  in  their  gift  was  bestowed  on  the  indi 
viduals  of  their  party,  and  strong  intimations  were 
given  that  the  governour  would  be  expected  to  fol 
low  the  same  path. 

The  equality  of  votes  in  the  senate  would  have 
prevented  the  passing,  and  it  consequently  re 
strained  the  proposing  of  such  laws  as  would  change 
adversely  to  the  federal  interests  any  of  the  ex 
isting  establishments,  and  the  legislature  after  a 
short  session  adjourned  to  meet  again  in  January. 

The  character  of  the  governour,  which  was 
brought  more  distinctly  into  view,  rose  very  much 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  325 

in  the  estimation  of  the  public.  There  was  an  ad 
herence  to  principle,  which  secured  the  attach 
ment  of  his  political  friends,  and  an  urbanity  and 
liberality  of  manners,  which  disarmed  his  oppo 
nents. 

The  charge  of  pride  and  reserve,  which  had 
been  made  against  him,  was  seen  to  be  altogether 
fallacious.  Accessible)  and  familiar,  the  citizens 
found  him  ready  to  listen  to  their  suggestions,  and 
his  house,  always  the  abode  of  hospitality,  was 
filled  either  by  strangers  whom  his  liberality  at 
tracted,  or  by  constituents  who  felt  gratified  in 
having  opportunity  to  make  known  their  indi 
vidual  opinions  to  the  governour  of  the  common 
wealth. 

At  the  commencement  in  August,  Harvard  Uni 
versity  conferred  upon  him  the  degree  of  doctor  of 
laws,  the  honor  of  which,  if  in  ordinary  cases  di 
minished  by  the  prodigality  of  its  bestowmcnt  on 
a  certain  political  class,  lost  none  of  its  original 
value,  whatever  that  might  be,  when  the  leaders 
of  a  sect  saw  fit  to  make  an  unusual  exception  to 
the  partiality  of  their  favours. 

In  the  November  succeeding,  the  governour,  as 
the  head  of  the  board  of  overseers,  assisted  at  the 
splendid  induction  of  the  reverend  John  Thornton 
Kirkland,  to  be  president  of  the  college,  and  de 
livered  an  address  in  the  latin  language,  in  con 
formity  to  established  usage  on  such  occasions. 
The  reply  of  the  president  was  couched  in  flat- 


326  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

tering  terms  of  respect ;  and  the  occasion,  the 
place,  and  the  speaker,  would  prevent  them  from 
being  considered  merely  complimentary  and  insin 


cere.* 


The  winter  session  of  the  legislature  was  mark 
ed  by  the  same  conciliatory  spirit  on  the  part  of 
the  governour,  while  the  want  of  a  majority  in  the 
senate  still  controlled  the  fiery  temper  of  his  party. 
In  the  nominations  to  office,  the  governour  respect 
ed  the  claims  of  his  political  friends  whom  he  found 
to  have  been  heretofore  almost   entirely  excluded, 
but  of  the  incumbents  holding  their  place  at  the 
will  of  the  executive,  no  one  was  disturbed  in  the 
enjoyment  of  his   situation.      Strong  effort  was 
made  by  influential  individuals  to  change  the  gov- 
ernour's  policy  in  this  respect,  and  there  were  not 
wanting  those  who  expressed  their  dissatisfaction 
at  the  tolerance  he  was  disposed  to  observe.    But 
their  disapprobation  was  without  effect.     He  had 
proposed  as  the  object  of  his  policy  to  bring  about 
a  conciliation  of  temper  between  the  people  of  the 
state  and  the  national  administration,  and  it  seemed 
to  him  most  likely  to  be  effected  by  softening  that 
asperity  of  feeling,  which  had  separated  the  con 
tending  factions,  and  at  times  had  threatened  vio 
lence  and  almost  civil  war.     The  republican  party, 
he  was  accustomed  to  say,  by  holding  the  govern 
ment  of  the  state,  are  restored  to  their  rank  as 
free  citizens.     They  are  no  longer  degraded  or 

*  Appendix  A. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  327 

proscribed.  It  is  best  for  them  not  to  incur  re 
proach  for  the  same  conduct  which  has  disgraced 
their  opponents.  As  they  profess  a  liberality  of 
opinion,  let  them  practise  a  liberality  of  conduct. 

Causes  for  the  change  of  this  course  were  not 
long  delayed.  Notwithstanding  the  courtesy  and 
kindness,  which  in  outward  forms  of  official  inter 
course  were  extended  towards  him,  the  mortifica 
tion  of  a  defeated  party  at  the  elevation  of  their 
opponents,  and  the  determination  they  had  formed, 
be  his  conduct  what  it  would,  to  displace  him  from 
the  executive  chair,  was  constantly  observed,  and 
had  its  natural  operation  on  those  by  whom  he 
was  supported. 

If  the  governour  had  supposed  that  conciliation 
and  liberal  policy  on  the  part  of  the  executive 
would  so  far  repress  the  angry  feelings  of  the  op 
position,  that  the  republican  party  could  keep  the 
government  in  their  hands,  and  thus  aid  the  gen 
eral  administration  by  a  conformity  to  the  policy 
of  the  United  States,  he  had  not  sufficiently  cal 
culated  the  depth  and  strength  of  that  resistance, 
which  his  opponents  could  exert.  The  tendency 
of  the  measures  of  the  United  States,  to  bring 
on  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  consequence 
of  such  war  to  draw  closer  an  alliance  with  the 
ruler  of  France,  allowing  to  each  party  in  the 
country,  all  the  honesty  of  intention  they  could 
claim,  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  have  prevented 
the  success  of  a  scheme  desirable  indeed,  but 


328  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

under  the  then  existing  circumstances  perfectly 
hopeless.  But  when  it  was  considered  how  small 
was  the  difference  in  the  ballots  cast  by  the  two 
rival  parties,  that  the  annual  accession  by  natural 
increase  was  enough  to  change  the  majority,  and 
especially  that  the  intimate  connexion  between 
the  policy  of  the  national  and  the  popularity  of 
the  state  administration  would  give  hope  of  suc 
cess  to  a  party  not  in  mass  accustomed  to  defeat, 
the  expectation  of  a  decrease  of  the  energies  of 
an  election  campaign  was  hardly  to  be  justified. 

Every  effort  was  accordingly  made  by  the  op 
posing  parties  to  secure  success  at  the  election  in 
April.  The  same  candidates  were  presented  by 
each  party,  and  Mr.  Gerry  was  after  a  hard  strug 
gle  again  elected  governour  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  democratic  party  had  made  very  strenuous 
efforts  to  gain  the  ascendency  in  the  senate,  and 
securing  all  they  had  acquired  in  the  former  year, 
and  prevailing  also  in  the  county  of  Bristol,  they 
had  now  the  complete  possession  of  all  the  execu 
tive  and  legislative  departments  in  the  state.* 

*  Extract  of  a  letter  from  a  distinguished  citizen  of  the  United 

States,  dated  at  St.  Petersburg,  30th  June  1811. 
"  The  Massachusetts  election  appears  to  agitate  the  Americans 
in  Europe  almost  exclusively ;  of  all  the  other  elections  going 
on  at  the  same  time  in  many  parts  of  the  union,  I  see  paragraphs 
in  the  newspapers,  but  hear  not  a  syllable  from  any  other  quar 
ter.  But  American  federalists  in  this  city  have  received  letters 
from  their  friends  in  London  and  in  Gottcnburg,  in  high  exulta 
tion  announcing  the  election  of  Mr.  Gore  by  a  majority  of  more 
than  three  thousand  votes.  Other  Americans  of  different  politics 
contest  the  validity  of  this  return,  and  affirm  that  Mr.  Gerry  and 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  329 

During  the  canvass  preceding  the  election,  the 
federal  party  in  the  capital,  at  one  of  those  meet- 
Mr.  Gray  have  been  reelected,  though  by  a  reduced  majority 
compared  with  that  of  the  last  year.  Why  this  extreme  anxiety 
for  the  Massachusetts  election?  Is  it  Mr.  Gore  for  whose  eleva 
tion  all  this  enthusiasm  is  harboured  ?  I  think  it  by  no  means 
difficult  to  account  for.  There  is  much  foreign  hope  and  fear 
involved  in  these  Massachusetts  elections  ;  all  the  rest,  even  New 
York  are  despaired  of.  But  the  Massachusetts  federal  politi 
cians  have  got  to  talk  so  openly  and  with  such  seeming  indiffer 
ence,  not  to  say  readiness  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union ;  they 
are  so  valiant  in  their  threats  of  resistance  to  the  laws  ;  they 
seem  so  resolute  for  a  little  experiment  upon  the  energy  of  the 
union  and  its  government,  that  in  the  prospects  of  a  war  with 
America,  which  most  of  the  British  statesmen  now  at  the  helm 
consider  as  in  the  line  of  wise  policy,  they  and  all  their  parti- 
zans  calculate  boldly  and  without  disguise  or  concealment  upon 
the  cooperation  of  the  Massachusetts  federalists.  The  Massa 
chusetts  election  therefore,  is  a  touchstone  of  national  principle, 
and  upon  its  issue  may  depend  the  question  of  peace  and  war 
between  the  United  States  and  England.  However  hostile  a 
British  ministry  may  feel  against  us,  they  will  never  venture 
upon  it  until  they  can  depend  upon  an  active  cooperation  with 
them,  within  the  United  States.  It  is  from  the  New  England 
federalists  alone  that  they  can  expect  it.  From  the  same  view 
of  the  subject,  though  prompted  by  very  opposite  feelings,  I  too 
take  a  deep  interest  in  the  Massachusetts  elections.  I  have 
known  now  more  than  seven  years  the  projects  of  the  Boston 
faction  against  the  union.  They  have  ever  since  that  time  at 
least,  been  seeking  a  pretext  and  an  occasion  for  avowing  the 
principle.  The  people  however,  have  never  been  ready  to  go 
with  them  ;  and  when  in  the  embargo  time  they  did  for  a  mo 
ment  get  a  majority  with  them,  they  only  verified  the  old  proverb 
about  setting  a  beggar  on  horse-back.  Mr.  Quincy  has  been  at 
the  pains  now  of  furnishing  them  with  a  new  pretext,  which  will 
wear  no  better  than  its  predecessors.  Mr.  Quincy  should  not 
have  quoted  me  as  an  authority  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union. 
He  may  be  assured  it  is  a  doctrine  that  never  will  have  my  sanc- 

VOL.  II.  42 


330  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ings  peculiar  to  New  England,  in  which  the  elec 
tors  are  accustomed  to  assemble  for  political 
discussion,  adopted  resolutions  of  an  inflammatory 
character,  and  supported  them  by  the  premeditated 
speeches  of  their  most  able  men,  among  whom 
the  president  of  the  senate  was  principally  distin 
guished  for  his  zeal. 

The  preamble  to  these  celebrated  resolutions 
affected  to  draw  a  parallel  between  the  oppres 
sion  of  the  government  of  the  union  and  that  of 
Great  Britain  before  the  declaration  of  indepen 
dence  ;  and  it  intimated  very  plainly  that  the 
course,  which  the  fathers  of  the  revolution  pur 
sued,  though  then  termed  rebellion,  was  a  just 
precedent  for  existing  circumstances.  The  reso 
lutions  themselves  proceeded  to  declare  that  the 
first  flagrant  violation  of  our  neutral  rights  was 
inflicted  by  the  Berlin  decree,  in  November  1806. 
That  the  late  offers  or  pretended  proposals  of 
France  to  relax  her  decrees,  were  illusory  and  in- 

tion.  It  is  my  attachment  to  the  union,  which  makes  me  spe 
cially  anxious  for  the  result  of  the  Massachusetts  elections. 
They  are  a  contest  of  life  and  death  for  the  union.  If  that 
party  are  not  ultimately  put  down  in  Massachusetts,  as  com 
pletely  as  they  already  are  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  and 
all  the  southern  and  western  states,  the  union  is  gone.  Instead 
of  a  nation  coextensive  with  the  North  American  continent, 
destined  by  God  and  Nature  to  be  the  most  populous  and  most 
powerful  people,  ever  combined  under  one  social  compact,  we 
shall  have  an  endless  multitude  of  little  insignificant  clans  and 
tribes,  at  eternal  war  with  one  another,  for  a  rock  or  a  fish-pond, 
the  sport  and  fable  of  European  masters  and  oppressors. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  331 

suiting.  That  neither  reason,  justice,  policy,  or 
law  could  justify  either  the  president  or  congress 
in  changing  our  relative  connexion  with  the  bel 
ligerents  ;  and  they  lastly  resolved,  "  that  such  an 
unjust,  oppressive,  and  tyrannical  act  they  con 
sider  the  statute  passed  by  congress  on  2d  March 
inst.  tending  to  the  ruin  or  impoverishment  of 
some  of  the  most  industrious  and  meritorious  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  only  means 
short  of  an  appeal  to  force,  (which  heaven  avert) 
is  the  election  of  such  men  to  the  various  offices 
in  the  state  government  as  will  oppose  by  peace 
able  but  firm  measures  the  execution  of  laws, 
which  if  persisted  in  must  and  will  be  resisted." 

A  contemporary  journal,  in  the  cause  of  the 
party,  describing  the  scene  at  Faneuil  Hall,  where 
these  resolutions  were  proposed,  and  giving  a 
summary  of  the  speeches,  by  which  they  were 
enforced,  remarks,  "  The  inferences  from  these 
discussions  are  that  the  men  who  now  rule  arc 
corrupt  and  impotent ;  that  they  are  humbly  sub 
missive  and  obedient  to  Fiance  ;  that  they  are 
invetcratcly  hostile  to  Great  Britain  ;  that  they 
entertain  a  fixed  contempt  and  detestation  of  com 
merce  ;  that  they  would  sooner  plunge  this  coun 
try  into  war  with  England  and  alliance  with 
France,  and  consequently  subject  it  to  French 
dominion,  than  let  the  federal  republicans  again 
coine  into  power,  and  expose  the  weak  and  wick 
ed  measures  of  the  Jefferson  policy.* 

*  Boston  Ccntincl,  3d  April  1811. 


332  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

The  declaration  of  this  assembly,  which  might 
fairly  be  considered  as  speaking  for  the  whole 
party,  that  a  law  of  congress,  if  persisted  in  would 
be  resisted,  and  the  threat  that  if  opposition  by 
peaceable  measures  was  unavailing,  force — "  which 
heaven  avert" — would  be  resorted  to,  must  seem 
to  the  calm  reflection  of  more  quiet  times  to  ap 
proach  too  nearly  to  an  act  of  rebellion.  It  seem 
ed  so  to  the  governour,  and  he  presented  this  assem 
bly,  the  resolutions,  which  they  passed,  and  very 
distinctly  the  individuals  who  were  busy  in  their 
enactment,  to  the  general  court,  in  the  address 
which  he  made  to  both  houses  at  the  opening  of 
the  session  in  the  following  June.  After  com 
menting  on  the  preamble  and  resolutions,  and  ex 
posing  what  he  considered  the  erroneous  positions 
and  incorrect  reasoning  of  the  assembly,  he  re 
marked,  "  If  our  national  rulers  are  justly  charged 
as  is  stated  by  this  assemblage,  with  having  pass 
ed  a  tyrannical  act,  and  laws  that  must  and  will 
be  resisted,  they  have  rebelled  against  the  sove 
reignty  of  the  people,  are  subject  to  punishment, 
and  have  forfeited  forever  a  claim  to  public  confi 
dence  ;  but  if  the  charge  is  unfounded,  if  they 
have  conducted  agreeably  to  our  national  charter, 
(which  is  manifestly  the  general  sense  of  the 
nation)  have  not  those  who  have  denounced  the 
government  of  the  United  States  as  oppressive, 
tyrannical  and  unjust,  and  who  have  declared  an 
intention  to  resist  the  execution  of  their  laws,  un- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  333 

warrantably  adopted  measures  tending  to  excite  a 
spirit  of  insurrection  and  rebellion,  and  to  destroy 
our  internal  peace  and  tranquillity  ?" 

*  *  *  *  * 

"  To  diminish  and  exterminate  if  possible  a 
party  spirit,  the  executive  of  this  commonwealth, 
during  the  last  year  confirmed  in  his  place  or  re- 
appointed  when  requisite  every  state  officer  under 
its  control,  who  had  been  correct  in  his  conduct 
and  faithful  to  his  trust,  disregarding  his  politics 
and  requiring  only  his  support  of  the  federal  and 
state  constitutions,  governments  and  laws,  with  a 
due  regard  to  the  rights  of  officers  and  individuals 
subject  to  his  official  discretion.  But  it  cannot  be 
expected  of  any  executive  so  far  to  disregard  the 
sacred  obligations  of  duty  and  honour,  as  to  pre 
serve  in  official  situations  such  individuals  as 
would  abuse  the  influence  of  their  public  charac 
ters  by  sanctioning  resistance  to  law,  or  by  such 
other  conduct  as  would  beguile  peaceable  and 
happy  citizens  into  a  state  of  civil  warfare." 

This  bold  and  fearless  denunciation  of  the  lead 
ers  of  the  federal -party  ;  the  imputation  which  it 
threw  upon  their  motives  ;  the  criminality,  which 
it  charged  upon  their  conduct ;  and  the  interdict, 
which  it  placed  upon  their  claims  to  public  office, 
broke  all  connexion  between  the  governour  and 
that  great  class  of  citizens,  who  were  in  the  politi 
cal  minority  of  the  state. 

A    statesman   who   had    more    considered    the 


334  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

policy  of  public  measures  than  their  propriety,  or 
regarded  either  his  personal  convenience  or  popu 
larity,  would  have  hesitated  before  throwing  the 
gauntlet  in  defiance,  among  such  numerous  and 
powerful  foes.  An  individual  more  conversant 
than  the  governour  had  been  with  the  measures  of 
the  contending  parties,  and  who  had  seen  how 
harmless  was  the  effervescence  of  that  spirit,  which 
subsided  as  suddenly  as  it  rose,  or  how  boldly  and 
with  how  little  meaning  men  were  accustomed 
to  use  big  words  and  formidable  expressions  ;  one 
more  intimate  than  he  had  been  with  the  ma 
chinery  of  elections,  where  it  was  necessary  to 
excite  a  zeal,  which  woifld  bring  voters  to  the 
polls,  might  have  been  sensible  that  much  less  was 
meant  than  met  the  ear,  or  that  at  any  rate  error 
might  be  safely  tolerated  where  truth  was  free  to 
combat  it,  and  that  the  whole  of  such  magnificent 
tirade  meant  no  more  than  to  keep  the  party  to 
gether,  by  persuading  the  followers  of  the  party 
that  there  was  something  worth  at  least  the  ex 
ertion  of  an  hour  at  the  ballot  box. 

Intimations  of  this  kind  were  made  to  the  gov 
ernour  by  some  friends,  to  whom  his  speech  was 
read  before  it  was  delivered  to  the  legislature, 
and  their  opinion  enforced  by  the  fact  that  the 
two  months,  which  had  intervened,  disclosed  none 
of  that  awful  hostility  in  action  which  this  gas 
conade  would  imply.  But  the  governour  formed 
a  different  opinion  of  the  character  of  the  act, 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  335 

lie  considered,  however  ineffectual  at  home,  that 
it  would  be  magnified  and  misunderstood  abroad, 
and  that  in  the  negotiations  with  the  belligerents, 
little  effect  could  be  produced  if  in  the  very  bosom 
of  the  American  people,  rebellion  had  commenced, 
and  revolution  been  solemnly  proposed. 

The  reproof  of  the  govcrnour  was  not  however 
confined  to  the  political  assembly  in  the  capital. 
The  clergy  came  in  for  a  share,  exceedingly  well 
merited  by  any  of  them  who  perverted  the  religion 
of  peace  into  a  vehicle  for  the  gratification  of  un 
hallowed  passion,  and  disturbed  the  solemnities  of 
the  sabbath,  by  irreverent  allusions  to  the  political 
altercations  of  the  week. 

Most  of  the  Congregational  clergy  in  Massa 
chusetts  belonged  to  the  federal  party,  and  made 
it  as  much  matter  of  conscience  to  avow  their 
political  as  their  theological  tenets.  Nothing 
served  more  to  embitter  the  condition  of  society, 
and  as  no  ostensible  remedy  presented,  nothing 
was  more  irritating  and  offensive  than  a  constant 
exposure  to  this  unhallowed  conduct,  which  fre 
quently  mingled  imprecation  with  prayer,  and 
converted  the  temple  of  religion  into  a  theatre 
of  politics.  The  right  of  a  clergyman  as  a  citizen 
to  hold  his  own  free  opinions,  and  his  duty  to  con 
tinue  a  patriot  as  well  as  Christian,  never  was  con 
troverted  by  the  republican  party,  but  the  proprie 
ty  of  his  indulging  himself  in  the  opportunity, 
which  his  situation  gave  him,  to  wound  the  feel- 


336  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

ings  by  denouncing  the  motives,  and  censuring 
the  conduct  of  any  of  his  parishioners  on  matters 
of  public  concern,  was  denied  by  them  to  be 
either  right  in  principle  or  decorous  in  practice. 
As  part  of  a  system  to  degrade  the  individuals 
of  the  democratic  party,  it  was  extensively  pur 
sued.  To  clerical  influence  thus  improperly,  and 
for  the  profession  dangerously  exerted,  the  federal 
ists  had  been  for  a  long  period  greatly  indebted, 
and  individuals  in  the  sacred  desk,  marked  by  the 
honours  of  Harvard,*  were  as  distinguished  for 
their  zeal  in  the  secular  concerns  of  the  state,  as 
for  their  labours  in  the  kingdom  of  their  spiritual 
master.  Seceders  in  escaping  from  such  unchris 
tian  assaults  to  attend  the  teaching  of  more  seri 
ous  guides,  were  by  the  law  as  it  stood,  frequently 
subjected  to  a  double  tax,  and  the  inconvenience 
was  so  seriously  felt,  as  to  become  a  subject  of 
very  general  concern.  The  governour  thus  noticed 
the  matter  in  his  speech : 

"  It  is  a  happy  circumstance,  and  does  great 
honour  to  our  clergy,  that  there  exists  among  them 
a  general  spirit  of  religious  liberality  and  toler 
ance.  They  advance  in  the  straight  road  of  piety, 
which  is  always  strewed  with  flowers.  Should  any 
wander  into  the  devious  path  of  party  politics,  the 
injury  will  not  extend  beyond  themselves,  and  they 
will  soon  retreat  from  the  lacerations  of  briars  and 
thorns  which  will  meet  them  at  every  step.  A 
late  solemn  decision  of  our  supreme  judicial  court 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  337 

lias  limited  the  right  of  protestant  teachers  of 
piety,  religion  and  morality,  to  demand  the  taxes 
paid  by  their  respective  hearers  for  the  support  of 
public  worship  to  those  of  incorporated  societies* 
and  has  produced  a  great  excitement ;  this  may 
render  indispensable  an  attention  to  the  subject, 
and  further  provisions  to  encourage  by  every  pos 
sible  mean  the  liberty  of  conscience  in  relation 
to  religious  opinion  and  worship." 

The  temper  of  the  governour's  speech  met  ex 
actly  that  of  the  two  branches  of  the  legislature. 
Answers  were  returned  from  the  senate  and  house 
in  accordance  with  its  language  and  measures 
taken  to  secure  by  legislative  means,  the  policy 
and  power  of  the  party,  which  at  present  con 
trolled  the  commonwealth. 

At  the  summer  and  succeeding  winter  session 
of  the  legislature,  various  statutes  were  enacted, 
and  by  the  governour  appointments  were  in  the 
mean  time  conferred,  which  as  they  kept  up 
through  the  year  the?  highest  excitement  of  party, 
cannot  be  passed  here  without  notice.  If  Hushed 
with  victory,  the  dominant  power  exceeded  the 
measures  of  prudence,  or  stung  by  indignities  of 
Ion"  duration,  they  sei/ed  on  the  first  moment  of 
authority  to  recover  from  humiliation  and  enthral- 
ment,  and  proceeded  too  fiercely  and  too  rapidly 
in  their  innovations,  or  imitated  too  exactly  in 
their  own  favour  the  errors,  which  they  complain 
ed  of  on  the  other  side,  the  consequences  may  be 

43 


LIFE   OF  ELBKJDGE   GERRY. 

a  lesson  of  fcxbeaiance.  and  moderate  the  zeal  of 
all  future  parties,  as  well  in  their  rage  for  reform 
ation  as  by  inculcating  feelings  of  respect  for  the 
minority  opposed  to  them. 

Of  measures  of  a  permanent  character,  the  **act 
respecting  public  worship  and  religious  freedom." 
deserves  first  to  be  mentioned,  as  the  greatest  al 
teration  of  the  then  existing  laws,  as  complying 
with  the  recommendation  of  the  governour  to 
extend  and  secure  liberty  of  conscience,  as  the 
overthrow  of  ecclesiastical  domination,  and  as  con 
tinuing  to  increase  in  the  estimation  of  the  com 
munity  until,  as  at  present,  it  is  the  most  popular 
enactment  in  the  statute  book. 

It  provided  that  ail  moneys  paid  by  any  citizen 
of  this  commonwealth  to  the  support  of  public 
worship  or  of  public  teachers  of  religion,  shall  if 
such  citizen  require  it.  be  uniformly  applied  to  the 
support  of  the  public  teacher  of  his  own  religious 
sect  or  denomination,  provided  there  be  any  on 
whose  instruction  he  usually  attends.  A  further 
section  provided  for  the  citizens  leaving  one  socie 
ty  and  joining  another,  and  thereby  being  exempt 
ed  from  taxation  for  the  support  of  the  one  he  had 
left. 

That  a  law  of  such  immense  consequence  should 
hare  then  for  the  first  time  found  the  support  of 
tlie  government,  is  evidence  of  the  attachment 
with  which  men  cling  to  ancient  abuses  if  they 
conduce  to  the  advancement  of  political  interests. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  339 

The  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  as  wide 
ly  as  the  constitution  permitted,  was  secured  by  a 
law  for  that  purpose. 

With  the  avowed  purpose  of  equalising  the  pe 
cuniary  facilities  of  the  community,  the  entire 
banking  capital,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  having 
hitherto  been  exclusively  under  federal  control, 
a  charter  was  granted  for  the  incorporation  of  a 
state  bank  with  a  capital  of  three  millions  of  dol 
lars,  the  stock  of  which,  upon  a  principle  of  reci 
procity,  was  secured  to  the  friends  of  the  party  in 
power. 

To  restore  as  far  as  possible  the  confidence  of 
the  community  in  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  to  give  some  weight  to  the  personal  influence 
of  the  republican  party,  which  for  many  years  past 
had  been  systematically  excluded  from  the  bench, 
the  court  of  common  picas  was  abolished  and  a 
circuit  court  established,  consisting  of  five  circuits, 
with  a  chief  justice  and  two  puisne  judges  in 
each.  With  the  same  view  the  law  of  1809, 
which  had  abolished  the  ancient  court  of  sessions 
was  repealed,  and  a  new  law  enacted,  reviving  the 
court  and  directing  a  chief  justice,  and  not  less 
than  two  nor  more  than  four  associate  justices,  to 
be  appointed.  With  the  supreme  judicial  court 
the  party  did  not  interfere.  In  respect  for  the 
authority  of  the  constitution,  this  forbearance  was 
observed ;  it  having  been  conceded,  after  due  de 
liberation,  by  men  having  the  confidence  of  the 


340  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

dominant  party,  that  neither  the  court  nor  the 
judges  were  within  the  power  of  the  legislature. 
The  result  was  very  reluctantly  acceded  to,  for 
the  imposing  influence  of  that  court  had  been  felt 
in  the  political  agitation  of  the  times,  and  some  of 
its  judges,  like  some  ministers  of  the  gospel,  had 
been  unwise  enough  to  give  to  the  extension  of 
their  political  feelings  the  aid  directly  derived  from 
their  official  authority. 

Harvard  college,  which  had  very  long  been  a 
powerful  opponent  to  the  republican  party ;  which 
by  making  literary  men  federalists  had  made  fe 
deralism  popular,  and  with  offensive  aristocracy  of 
manners  had  educated  the  youth  under  its  care 
in  the  admiration  of  similar  principles,  did  not  es 
cape  the  reforming  hand  of  men,  who  considered 
that  institution  as  the  property  of  the  state,  and 
were  unwilling  that  the  state's  pensioners  should 
undermine  the  mansion  in  which  they  were  domi 
ciled. 

So  long  had  the  federal  party  been  in  the  habit 
of  controlling  the  judicial,  literary  and  religious  in 
stitutions  in  the  commonwealth,  and  so  completely 
and  habitually  had  all  of  them  by  long  usage  con 
formed  to  the  views  and  sentiments  of  the  federal 
party,  that  the  principles  and  manner  by  which 
these  institutions  were  conducted,  seemed  less  the 
direction  of  that  party  than  the  natural  and  legiti 
mate  mode  of  their  existence,  and  any  alteration 
was  therefore  proclaimed  to  be  not  an  alteration 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  341 

of  a  party  system,  but  an  overthrow  of  the  insti 
tutions  themselves.  The  federal  party  had  been 
so  long  masters  in  the  state,  that  it  seemed  to 
them  quite  natural  they  should  be.  Their  intol 
erance  and  exclusiveness  was  so  habitual  as  al 
most  to  be  unknown  to  themselves,  and  they 
were  as  much  astonished  and  alarmed  at  these  in 
novations,  as  the  West  India  planters  would  be 
at  an  insurrection  of  their  slaves,  or  a  claim  by 
that  class  of  the  population,  so  to  alter  the  laws 
of  the  land  as  to  entitle  them  to  participate  in  the 
rights  of  freemen. 

These  acts  were  therefore  opposed  in  and  out  of 
the  legislature,  and  an  outcry  set  up  that  the  days 
of  the  Visi-Goths  had  returned,  and  that  a  modern 
Alaric  was  about  to  scatter  desolation  and  ruin. 

Had  the  dominant  party  limited  their  opera 
tions  to  these  measures  of  public  policy  and  just 
retaliation,  it  is  possible  they  might  have  been 
defended  with  success,  but  there  were  spirits 
among  them  too  ardent  to  be  checked  by  mere 
calculations  of  prudence,  and  too  desirous  of  the 
trophies  of  victory  to  be  satisfied  with  less  than 
the  field. 

It  was  therefore  further  enacted  that  the  clerks 
of  all  the  judicial  courts  who  had  hitherto  been 
appointed  by  the  supreme  court,  should  cease  to 
hold  their  place,  and  that  successors  should  be  ap 
pointed  by  the  governour  with  consent  of  coun 
cil.  The  offices  of  sheriffs  were  declared  vacant, 


342  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

and  an  appointment  for  four  years  unless  sooner 
dismissed  by  the  executive,  was  enjoined  on  the 
governour. 

Nothing  could  be  more  unfortunate  for  a  party 
situated  as  was  the  republican,  than  the  condition 
in  which  these  appointments  placed  it.  The  pa 
tronage  of  office,  even  if  it  be  allowed  to  operate 
silently  and  quietly,  is  at  best  but  of  doubtful  ad 
vantage  ;  for  as  the  number  of  applicants  always 
greatly  exceed  the  situations  to  be  filled,  there 
are  produced  ten  angry  opponents  for  one  luke 
warm  or  ungrateful  friend.  Under  existing  cir 
cumstances,  policy  required  the  removals  and  ap 
pointments  to  be  made  without  delay,  that  the 
effects  of  the  convulsion  might  be  sooner  over, 
and  not,  by  protracting  anxiety  and  interest,  con 
tinually  keep  alive  the  passions  of  the  community. 
But  this  decisive  and  prompt  movement  was  im 
possible.  In  the  first  place,  the  laws  in  some 
respects  were  not  easily  to  be  executed.  In  the 
second  place,  they  would  produce  scenes  of  pri 
vate  misery,  at  which  the  governour  relucted,  and 
finally  refused  to  inflict.  Again  his  personal  ac 
quaintance  with  the  influential  men  out  of  the 
capital,  and  especially  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
commonwealth,  was  exceedingly  limited,  and  the 
contradictory  accounts  given  by  the  friends  of  nu 
merous  competitors,  perplexing  and  unsatisfactory. 
Time  therefore  was  allowed  to  those,  who  expected 
to  be  removed  from  lucrative  situations,  to  exert 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  343 

with  redoubled  zeal  their  spirit  of  natural  hostility, 
while  the  counteracting  influence  of  place  and 
power,  which  the  party  intended  to  wield,  was  not 
yet  within  their  reach.  The  nonexecution  of  th« 
law  in  some  cases  gave  offence,  the  manner  of 
its  being  executed  was  in  others  cause  of  com 
plaint,  so  that  probably  a  measure,  or  rather  series 
of  measures,  contrived  to  establish  by  official  in 
fluence  the  power  of  the  party,  and  denounced 
and  believed  by  its  opponents  to  be  conceived  in 
a  spirit  of  indiscriminate  proscription,  failed  to 
conciliate  the  approbation  of  its  friends. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  overthrow  of  the 
incumbents  of  office,  a  liberality  was  observed  in 
appointments  in  the  judicial  department  which 
had  not  before  nor  since  been  observed.  On  every 
circuit  one  federalist  and  two  democrats  were  put 
on  the  bench.  The  solicitor  general  of  the  state, 
the  clerks  of  the  judicial  courts  in  Suffolk  and 
Middlesex,  and  the  sheriff  of  Suffolk,  were  per 
mitted  to  hold  their  places  ;  offices  whose  aggre 
gate  value  and  consequence,  was  nearly  equal  to 
all  that  were  displaced.* 

If  it  was  wise  to  have  put  nearly  the  whole  ap 
pointments  to  oflice  into  the  hands  of  the  execu 
tive,  the  measure  should  have  been  executed  with 
an  unsparing  and  steady  hand.  If  either  from 
the  consideration  of  the  executive  or  the  situation 
of  the  incumbents,  it  was  impossible  to  carry  such 
laws  into  immediate  operation,  it  was  unwise  and 

*  Appendix  15. 


344  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

impolitic  to  have  passed  them.  To  seek  power 
incurs  odium.  It  is  a  fault  therefore  to  acquire 
what  it  is  impracticable  to  use. 

It  was  hardly  possible  that  a  general  removal 
could  be  made  with  satisfaction  to  the  friends  of 
the  party  who  proposed  it.  There  were  attach 
ments,  connexions  and  interests,  which  made  it 
not  in  all  cases  an  agreeable  task.  Individual 
feeling  and  general  interest  were  not  always  to  be 
reconciled.  In  the  arrangement  the  governour 
did  not  escape  censure,  but  there  were  intelligent 
and  candid  men  willing  to  bestow  praise.  A  let 
ter  from  a  gentleman  then  of  high  consideration 
in  the  ranks  of  the  party,  and  now  eminently  be 
fore  the  nation,  contains  the  following  paragraphs. 

"  I  thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  kind  con 
gratulations  on  my  recent  appointment,  [by  the 
government  of  the  United  States.]  As  to  the 
appointment  of  sheriff,  I  cannot  but  express  my 
thanks  for  the  kind  attention  you  have  paid  to 
the  feelings  and  wishes  of  Mr.  B's  friends.  His 
removal  has  been  made  as  little  painful  to  them 
as  it  could  be,  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  measure 
was  the  result  of  a  careful  deliberation,  and  a 
wish  to  promote  the  public  good.  * 

"  I  thought  it  right  to  state  thus  much  to  your 
excellency,  that  you  might  perceive  that  though 
my  voice  was  decidedly  for  Mr.  B.  yet  I  was  ready 
to  acknowledge  and  to  feel  the  strong  motives, 
which  induced  a  new  appointment,  and  to  believe 
them  the  dictates  of  sound  deliberation. 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  345 

"  I  beg  leave  to  express  my  sincere  acknow 
ledgments  for  the  personal  favours,  which  your 
excellency  has  been  pleased  to  bestow  on  me,  and 
to  assure  you  that  I  shall  carry  into  my  new  situa 
tion  the  deepest  sense  of  my  obligations  to  your 
friendship  and  patronage. 

"  Wishing  you  the  enjoyment  of  domestic  and 
public  happiness,  a  reward  justly  earned  by  a  long 
life,  faithfully  devoted  to  the  public  service,  I  beg 
to  subscribe  myself,  with  great  consideration,"  &c. 

The  dominant  party  made  a  much  more  fatal 
mistake  in  a  law  for  dividing  the  commonwealth 
into  districts  for  the  choice  of  counsellors  and 
senators. 

The  constitution  provided  that  "  the  senate  of 
the  state  should  consist  of  forty  members,  chosen 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  districts  into  which  the 
commonwealth  may  from  time  to  time  be  divided 
by  the  general  court  for  that  purpose, "  and  in  as 
signing  numbers  to  be  elected  by  the  respective 
districts,  "  regard  should  be  had  to  the  proportion 
of  the  public  taxes  paid  in  said  districts." 

The  right  of  the  legislature  to  divide  the  state 
into  districts,  provided  the  proportion  between  the 
number  of  senators  and  the  amount  of  tax  was 
properly  observed,  seems  not  to  be  doubtful.  The 
propriety  of  an  alteration  of  the  existing  districts 
was  therefore  a  question  of  policy.  In  the  new 
arrangement,  such  contiguous  towns  were  classed 

VOL.  n .  14 


346  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

together  as  ensured  to  the  democratic  party  a 
small  majority  in  most  of  the  districts,  and  gave  a 
large  majority  to  the  federalists  in  the  others  so 
that  with  an  equal  number  of  voters  on  each  side 
throughout  the  state,  the  former  party  would,  ac 
cording  to  the  votes  of  the  two  last  previous  elec 
tions  be  sure  of  a  majority  of  senators.  By  in 
creasing  the  number  of  their  districts,  it  became 
obvious  that  they  lessened  their  majority  of  voters 
in  each  of  them,  and  although  such  an  arrange 
ment  increased  the  number  of  their  senators,  it 
did  no  more  than  give  them  a  majority,  which 
even  by  parting  with  some  they  would  still  have 
retained.  It  was  obvious  too,  that  if  there  was 
only  a  small  majority  of  voters  in  a  district,  the 
result  of  an  election  was  exposed  to  hazard  from 
the  change  of  opinion  even  of  a  few  individuals, 
and  the  consequence  therefore  was  unnecessarily 
precarious. 

But  besides  this,  the  new  districts  were  ar 
ranged  by  breaking  up  counties,  which  had  formed, 
as  far  as  was  possible,  the  ancient  limits  of  sena 
torial  districts,  or  by  joining  several  counties  to 
gether.  They  thus  destroyed  old  associations 
and  threw  the  electors  into  new  combinations  and 
connexions,  in  which  local  and  territorial  interests 
were  confounded. 

In  all  these  respects  the  law  was  injudicious, 
but  there  was  a  stronger  objection  to  it  in  the  obvi 
ous  motive  to  retain  power  in  the  hands  of  a  party 
even  against  the  will  of  the  people.  There  was 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  347 

an  apparent  management,  too  plain  not  to  be  per 
ceived,  and  which  being  seen,  was  universally 
reprobated. 

It  is  true  this  was  not  the  first  instance  of  the 
kind  in  state  legislation.  The  districts  for  the 

o 

election  of  members  of  congress  had  always  been 
arranged  by  the  federal  party,  as  far  as  could  be 
done,  with  the  same  object  and  on  the  same  sys 
tem.  But  while  the  geographical  line  of  coun 
ties  was  necessarily  passed  for  those  elections, 
the  intention,  if  in  truth  as  certain,  was  less  easily 
brought  home  and  fastened  on  its  authors.  In  the 
present  instance  it  was  too  apparent  to  be  denied, 
and  the  design  and  management  were  instantly 
reprobated  by  the  opposition,  as  fiercely  as  if  they 
had  themselves  always  been  innocent  of  a  similar 
transgression. 

To  the  governour  the  project  of  this  law  was 
exceedingly  disagreeable.  He  urged  to  his  friends 
strong  arguments  against  its  policy  as  well  as  its 
effects.  After  it  had  passed  both  houses,  he  hesi 
tated  to  give  it  his  signature,  and  meditated  to 
return  it  to  the  legislature  with  his  objections 
to  its  becoming  a  law,  but  being  satisfied  that  it 
conformed  to  the  constitution,  he  doubted  whether 
against  precedents  to  the  contrary,  the  private 
opinion  of  a  governour  on  a  mere  question  of  pro 
priety  or  policy,  would  justify  the  interposition  of 
his  negative,  and  he  accordingly  permitted  it  to 
pass.  Notwithstanding  his  hostility  to  the  project 


348  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

and  his  repugnance  to  its  passage,  the  opposition 
had  the  address  to  have  him  in  the  public  mind 
considered  the  author  of  the  plan,  and  to  affix  to 
it  a  variation  of  his  name  to  encourage  the  belief 
that  it  was  his  own  individual  invention. 

The  public  feeling  was  by  all  these  measures, 
by  the  ardour  which  on  one  side  supported,  and 
the  violence  which  on  the  other  assailed  them, 
excited  to  a  high  and  "almost  insupportable  tone. 
It  displayed  itself  in  newspaper  publications  of  a 
character  the  most  pungent  and  severe.  The 
speech  of  the  governour  to  the  legislature  in 
June  was  followed  by  a  series  of  essays  under 
the  signature  of  the  Boston  Rebel,  in  which  all 
the  usual  forms  of  respect  to  a  chief  magistrate 
were  violated  ;  and  his  proclamation  for  thanks 
giving  published  in  October  discussed  in  a  similar 
series  under  the  signature  of  a  real  Christian,  and 
old  fashioned  whig,  which  surpassed  in  intem 
perance  of  expression  whatever  before  had  been 
considered  the  limits  of  political  severity.  These 
and  others  of  a  like  character  were  written  with 
great  force  of  talent  and  ingenuity,  and  being  very 
extensively  circulated,  were  calculated  to  produce 
powerful  effects.  Retorts  were  not  wanting  from 
the  side  of  the  administration,  and  a  threaten 
ing  letter  having  been  anonymously  sent  to  the 

O  O  *  J 

governour,  he  thought  fit  to  issue  a  proclama 
tion  for  the  detection  of  the  author,  in  which 
he  says,  "  such  an  attempt  is  an  effort  to  pros- 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  349 

trate  at  the  feet  of  debased  and  slanderous  prin 
ters,  and  of  their  more  criminal  employers,  the 
indispensable  administration  of  justice  ;  * 
to  complete  the  triumph  of  calumny,  falsehood, 
injustice  and  malignant  passions,  crimes  which  by 
means  of  incendiary  writers  and  printers  in  this 
state,  have  obtained  an  ascendency  unparalleled 
in  any  other  ;  which  have  been  principally  directed 
against  the  legislative  and  executive  public  func 
tionaries  of  the  national  and  state  governments, 
with  a  manifest  intention  to  overthrow  both,  and 
which  also  have  been  employed  to  destroy  private 
character,  the  inestimable  property  of  both  sexes." 

The  extraordinary  latitude  assumed  by  writers 
in  the  public  journals,  in  their  commentaries  on 
the  conduct  and  motives  of  the  public  agents,  and 
the  recrimination  to  which  it  led,  together  with 
some  other  circumstances  connected  with  the 
licentiousness  of  the  press,  naturally  drew  the 
attention  of  the  community  to  the  power  of  the 
law  over  this  delicate  subject,  and  the  protection, 
which  the  citizen  might  enjoy  against  calumny,  as 
well  as  the  claim  he  had  to  receive  intelligence 
and  information  on  matters  interesting  and  im 
portant. 

At  the  opening  of  the  supreme  court  in  Boston 
in  .November,  the  learned  judge,  who  presided, 
deemed  it  useful  to  place  the  matter  distinctly  be 
fore  the  grand  jury.  With  the  principles,  which 
he  stated  to  be  law,  no  objection  can  be  found. 


350  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

The  doctrine  of  libel  was  perfectly  well  defined ; 
yet  nevertheless,  by  the  public  generally,  the  charge 
was  believed  to  imply  the  lawfulness  of  that  kind 
of  attack,  which  had  been  made  on  the  functiona 
ries  of  the  government,  and  to  secure  from  punish 
ment,  by  the  exceptions  and  limitations,  which  it 
disclosed,  all  or  nearly  all  the  authors  and  printers 
of  the  several  pieces,  which  had  attracted  the  par 
ticular  observation  of  the  community.  The  charge 
of  the  judge  was  published  in  the  newspapers. 
If  in  the  execution  of  his  high  trust  a  judicial 
officer  correctly  propounds  the  provisions  of  law, 
he  is  not  responsible,  most  certainly,  for  the  erro 
neous  construction,  which  may  be  given  to  his 
opinions,  or  the  wrong  application  which  may  be 
made  of  them.  But  if  the  existing  law  on  any 
subject  be  unjust  or  unwise,  it  becomes  the  duty 
of  the  supreme  executive  magistrate  to  communi 
cate  his  view  of  it  to  the  legislature,  to  the  end 
that  it  may  be  reformed  by  their  authority.  It  is 
not  however  to  be  doubted  that  the  high  officers  of 
government,  keeping  strictly  in  the  path  of  their 
legitimate  authority,  may  yet  countenance  opin 
ions  or  measures,  the  direct  agency  of  which 
they  would  deem  it  imprudent  to  assume  ;  and 
that  while  the  judges  of  the  land  were  separated 
like  the  ancient  Levites  to  a  special  service  and 
a  consecrated  duty,  it  was  not  always  possible 
for  them  to  forget  that  politics  as  well  as  learning 
had  been  their  qualification  of  admission  to  the 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  351 

temple  of  justice.  The  time  had  been,  as  already 
narrated,  when  the  expression  of  a  partizan  tem 
per  was  indulged  with  impunity.  It  was  not 
now  entirely  safe,  but  the  indirect  influence  of 
the  judicial  character  was  still  powerful,  and  the 
individuals  who  wore  the  ermine  knew  they  con 
tinued  to  be  citizens,  and  felt  themselves  obliged 
to  be  federalists. 

The  governour  was  aware  of  the  impression, 
which  the  charge  of  the  judge  was  calculated  to 
produce.  It  caused  a  correspondence  between 
them,  which  is  sufficiently  original  and  amusing  to 
be  introduced  here.  There  was  a  strong  reluc 
tance  in  the  republican  party  to  do  any  thing, 
which  the  constitution  would  not  authorize  in  re 
gard  to  the  judicial  institutions  of  the  state  ;  but 
it  is  not  questionable  that  they  would  gladly  have 
taken  advantage  of  any  fair  opportunity,  to  have 
placed  a  representative  of  their  own  sentiments 
and  feelings  on  the  bench  of  a  tribunal,  which 
deciding  in  the  last  resort  on  life,  liberty,  property 
and  character,  had  for  all  the  period  of  party  pas 
sion  been  exclusively  in  the  possession  of  the 
opposite  political  class. 


352  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

MR.  SECRETARY  ROMANS   TO   JUDGE   PARKER. 

COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  JANUARY  7,  1812. 

SIR, 

His  excellency  governour  Gerry  directs  me  to 
present  his  compliments  to  you,  with  a  request  to 
be  informed,  whether  the  publication  in  the  Boston 
newspapers  or  either  of  them,  is  a  correct  state 
ment  or  copy  of  your  charge  to  the  grand  jury  of 
Suffolk  on  the  subject  of  libels,  and  if  so  the 
governour  requests  you  will  be  pleased  to  inform 
him. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &:c. 

BENJAMIN  HOMANS,  Secretary. 


JUDGE  PARKER  TO  MR.  SECRETARY  HOMANS. 

WEDNESDAY  MORNING. 

SIR, 

I  received  your  communication  too  late  last 
evening  to  return  an  answer,  being  absent  when 
it  was  left  at  my  house. 

I  now  request  you  to  inform  his  excellency  that 
not  having  the  manuscript,  from  which  my  charge 
was  read  to  the  grand  jury,  in  my  possession,  and 
not  having  read  it  in  the  newspapers,  it  is  impos 
sible  for  me  to  say  whether  it  has  been  correctly 
printed  or  not.  If  however  his  excellency  shall 
inform  me  that  he  deems  it  necessary  in  his 


LIFE  OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  353 

administration  of  the  executive  department  of 
government,  to  know  with  precision  what  has 
been  done  by  me  on  the  subject  alluded  to,  in  my 
administration  of  the  judiciary  department,  I  will 
as  soon  as  the  great  mass  of  business  with  which 
I  am  pressed  will  permit,  recover  the  manuscript, 
and  transmit  his  excellency  a  fair  copy  of  it. 
Your  obedient  servant, 

ISAAC  PARKER. 
B.  Homans,  Esqr. 


GOVERNOUR  GERRY  TO  JUDGE  PARKER. 

COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  FEBRUARY  8,  1812. 

SIR, 

Having  been  pressed  by  public  measures  on 
the  7th  of  January  last,  I  desired  Mr.  Secretary 
llomuns  to  request  of  you  information  in  regard  to 
the  correctness  of  the  publication  of  your  charge 
to  the  grand  jury  of  Suffolk,  on  the  subject  of 
libels  ;  and  the  next  day  he  sent  to  me  your  an 
swer,  stating  that  you  was  also  pressed  by  a  great 
mass  of  business,  and  that,  as  soon  as  this  will 
permit,  you  will  inform  me  with  precision,  what 
has  been  done  by  you  on  the  subject  alluded  to, 
in  your  administration  of  the  judiciary  department, 
if  I  deem  it  officially  necessary.  This  I  do ;  but 
have  waited  to  the  present  time,  desirous  of  avoid 
ing  every  measure  that  may  have  embarrassed  or 

VOL.  n.  45 


554  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

incommoded  you  amidst  your  important  public 
concerns.  Being  informed  that  your  session  will 
probably  close  this  day,  I  wish  in  the  advanced 
state  of  the  present  session  of  the  legislature  for 
the  earliest  information  mentioned  in  your  letter, 
except  the  bills  of  indictments  of  which  I  have 
certified  copies. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
With  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

E.  GERRY. 

The  Hon.  Isaac  Parker, 

A  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court, 


JUDGE   PARKER  TO    GOVERNOUR   GERRY. 

BOSTON,  FEBRUARY  10, 


MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY  I 

I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  excellency's 
letter  of  the  8th  instant,  while  on  the  bench  in 
the  discharge  of  my  judicial  functions,  and  per 
plexed  with  the  multitude  and  variety  of  concerns 
which  usually  crowd  upon  a  court  towards  the 
close  of  its  session. 

Having  since  the  rising  of  the  court,  reperused 
your  excellency's  letter,  together  with  those  which 
by  your  excellency's  order  have  been  sent  to  me 
by  the  secretary  of  the  commonwealth  in  the 
course  of  my  arduous  official  engagements,  I 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  355 

now  deem  it  to  be  a  duty  which  I  owe  to  the 
public,  to  jour  excellency  and  to  myself,  to  ex 
press  with  frankness  the  sentiments  they  have 
occasioned,  and  to  state  the  principles  by  which 
I  as  a  member  of  an  independent  branch  of  the 
government,  believe  that  I  ought  to  be  governed. 

I  need  not  point  out  to  your  excellency  that 
article  in  the  declaration  of  rights  prefixed  to  our 
constitution,  which  was  intended  to  establish  a 
complete  and  entire  separation  of  the  executive, 
legislative  and  judicial  powers  of  government, 
nor  need  I  advise  your  excellency  of  the  import 
ance  of  such  a  principle  to  the  well  being,  if  not 
to  the  existence  of  a  free  government.  I  do  not 
apprehend  your  excellency  has  intended,  in  the  ex 
ercise  of  the  executive  functions,  to  interfere  with 
those  of  the  judiciary,  nevertheless  as  it  would  be 
your  excellency's  duty  to  resist  even  an  uninten 
tional  encroachment  by  either  of  the  other  branches 
of  government  upon  the  powers  committed  to  you 
by  the  constitution;  so  it  is  my  duty  to  resist  any 
such  encroachment,  although  the  act  which  con 
stitutes  it,  may  not  in  the  apprehension  of  your 
excellency  have  the  character  which  seems  to  me 
to  belong  to  it. 

When  I  received  from  the  secretary  of  the  com 
monwealth  his  letter,  written  by  your  excellency's 
directions,  on  the  7th  of  January  last,  requesting 
to  be  informed  whether  a  certain  publication  in 
the  newspapers  was  a  correct  copy  of  my  charge 


ri 


356  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

to  the  grand  jury  on  the  subject  of  libels,  I 
should  have  supposed  it  to  have  had  for  its  object 
the  satisfaction  of  your  excellency's  mind  upon 
that  point  in  your  private  capacity,  had  not  the 
supposition  been  forbidden  by  the  formal  manner 
of  the  request,  and  the  important  public  character 
of  the  officer  made  use  of  to  transmit  it. 

Being  obliged  therefore  to  consider  it  a  public 
proceeding,  and  not  having  before  known  an  in 
stance  in  which  a  judge  had  been  called  upon 
when  in  the  midst  of  his  official  labours,  by  the 
chief  executive  magistrate,  to  avow  or  disavow 
any  proceeding  attributed  to  him,  and  being  left 
to  conjecture  the  motive  which  suggested  the  call, 
your  excellency  will  readily  conceive  that  I  had 
reason  to  apprehend  that  some  important  public 
measure  was  intended  by  your  excellency  to  be 
predicated  upon  the  fact  when  ascertained,  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  publication. 

The  legislature  being  then  about  to  commence 
its  session,  the  least  important  view  in  which  I 
could  personally  consider  the  subject,  was  that 
your  excellency  intended  to  make  my  charge  to 
the  grand  jury  the  basis  of  some  part  of  your 
communication  to  that  body,  but  on  reflecting, 
that  if  there  was  any  thing  in  the  doctrine  ad 
vanced  by  me,  which  ought,  to  excite  the  attention 
of  the  legislature,  every  member  of  either  branch 
had  the  same  means  of  seeing  what  had  been 
attributed  to  me,  which  your  excellency  had 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  357 

possessed,  and  also,  upon  reflecting  that  what 
ever  was  stated  by  me  to  the  grand  jury  to  be  the 
law  upon  the  subject  of  libels,  which  differed  from 
the  generally  known  and  received  doctrine  of  the 
common  law,  was  to  be  found  in  an  opinion  of  the 
whole  court,  as  declared  by  the  chief  justice  in 
the  case  of  the  Commonwealth  against  William 
Clapp,  since  published  in  the  authorized  reports 
of  judicial  decisions,  I  was  led  to  believe  that  a 
supposed  amendment  of  the  law  was  not  the  ob 
ject  for  which  your  excellency  required  of  me  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  charge,  but  that  some 
object  of  a  personal  nature  towards  me  wras  in 
your  excellency's  contemplation.  It  was  for  this 
reason,  that  in  answer  to  your  request  I  stated, 
that  if  your  excellency  would  inform  me  that  you 
deemed  it  necessary  in  your  administration  of  the 
executive  department  of  government,  to  know 
with  precision  what  had  been  done  by  me  on  the 
subject  alluded  to  in  my  administration  of  the  ju 
diciary  department,  I  would  transmit  you  a  cor 
rect  copy  of  the  charge. 

Having  received  no  such  information  from  your 
excellency,  and  having  perceived  in  your  excel 
lency's  speech  to  the  legislature,  a  general  refer 
ence  to  the  subject  of  libels,  and  having  also  per 
ceived  in  the  newspaper  account  of  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  house,  that  a  committee  had  been 
raised  upon  this  subject,  I  was  advised  again  to 
consider  that  all  your  excellency's  views  were  in 


358  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

the  way  of  being  answered,  and  that  there  was 
no  occasion  for  any  information  from  me. 

On  January  31,  however,  I  was  surprised  by 
another  communication  from  the  secretary  of  state, 
authorized  by  your  excellency  as  he  states,  ex 
pressing  your  excellency's  desire  to  see  the  letter 
which  was  first  received  by  me  upon  this  subject, 
and  although  I  was  unable  to  discern  any  motive 
for  the  request,  I  forwarded  a  copy  of  it  to  the 
secretary,  which  I  presume  has  been  laid  before 
your  excellency. 

I  am  now  distinctly  informed  by  a  direct  com 
munication  from  your  excellency,  that  the  infor 
mation  wanted  from  me  is  for  the  purpose  of  pre 
dicating  upon  it  some  further  communication  to 
the  legislature,  but  whether  with  a  view  to  effect 
the  general  object  of  an  alteration  of  the  law,  or 
to  inculpate  me  for  any  supposed  error  in  my 
charge  to  the  grand  jury,  is  still  left  for  me  to 
conjecture. 

If  the  former  be  the  object,  it  is  only  necessary 
for  your  excellency  to  be  apprised  of  what  the 
law  now  is,  which  if  not  sufficiently  explained  in 
the  case  decided  by  the  whole  court  before  al 
luded  to,  I  shall  be  ready,  as  will  my  brethren, 
(pursuant  to  a  provision  of  the  constitution ,)  to 
assist  your  excellency  in  forming  a  definite  opinion 
upon.  My  charge  was  intended  to  explain  to  the 
grand  jury,  the  law  upon  the  subject  of  libels,  as 
existing  according  to  the  principles  of  the  com- 


LIFE   OF   ELBR1DGE   GERRY.  359 

mon  law,  and  the  decisions  of  the  judiciary  under 
the  constitution.  I  presume  it  contains  nothing 
beyond  this  intention ;  and  if  it  does,  it  would  be 
an  unsafe  basis  to  predicate  a  charge  upon,  be 
cause  then  it  would  be  no  evidence  of  the  law  as 
it  now  exists. 

The  principle  adopted  by  the  court,  in  the  case 
referred  to,  naturally  and  necessarily  flows  from 
the  nature  of  our  government,  and  from  our  con 
stitution.  The  same  clause  in  the  constitution 
which  adopts  the  common  law,  rejects  any  part  of 
it  which  may  contravene  the  principles  of  the 
constitution,  and  although  the  legislature  has  an 
undoubted  right  to  repeal  the  common  law  by  ex 
press  statute,  yet  until  they  shall  have  exercised 
that  right,  the  courts  of  law  are  bound  by  their 
oaths  to  refuse  operation  to  any  principle  of  the 
common  law,  whenever  such  principle  shall  be 
found  repugnant  to  the  rights  and  liberties  secured 
by  the  constitution.  But  it  is  a  most  remarkable 
fact  in  the  history  of  a  free  people,  that  complaints 
should  be  heard  against  a  doctrine  so  essential  to 
liberty  in  an  elective  government ;  and  that  a  de 
parture  from  the  common  law  (established  princi 
pally  under  a  monarchical  government,)  which  de 
parture  is  in  favour  of  truth  and  freedom  of  en 
quiry,  should  be  questioned  in  a  country  where 
the  people  are  sovereign  and  all  public  officers  are 
agents  of  the  people. 

If  however  the  object  of  your  excellency  is  to 
obtain  from  me  facts  whereon  to  predicate  a 


360  LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

charge  against  me,  for  any  incorrect  opinion  de 
livered  by  me  to  the  public  through  the  grand 
jury  of  this  county,  your  excellency  must  be 
sensible  that  I  might  avail  myself  of  the  common 
right  of  all  persons  accused  to  withhold  any  in 
formation  which  may  tend  to  support  charges 
made  against  themselves,  and  would  therefore,  on 
this  supposition,  readily  excuse  me  for  not  com 
plying  with  your  request. 

If  the  house  of  representatives,  the  grand  in 
quest  of  the  commonwealth,  shall  see  fit  to  in 
stitute  an  enquiry  into  any  of  my  judicial  acts,  I 
shall  most  cheerfully  and  unreservedly  answer  any 
question  and  acknowledge  any  act  necessary  to 
their  investigation. 

But  I  deem  it  to  be  my  solemn  duty  to  the 
public,  and  to  such  as  may  hereafter  occupy  my 
place,  to  protect,  as  far  as  in  me  lies,  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  department  to  which  I  belong,  and 
never  by  any  act  of  mine,  to  acquiesce  in  a  claim 
of  the  executive  to  arraign  the  conduct  or  the 
motives  of  the  judiciary,  in  a  manner  not  author 
ised  by  the  constitution. 

In  so  conducting,  I  shall  maintain  the  constitu 
tion  which  we  are  all  sworn  to  support,  shall  pro 
mote  the  interest  of  the  people  for  whose  happi 
ness  it  was  made,  and  shall  render  the  character 
of  a  judge  in  some  measure,  what  the  constitution 
declares  it  ought  to  be,  "  as  independent  as  the 
lot  of  humanity  will  admit." 

Upon  these  principles  I  should  have  been  origi- 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  361 

nally  justified  in  declining  to  submit  my  charge 
to  your  excellency's  scrutiny.  But  on  recurring 
to  the  conditional  engagement  I  made  to  your 
excellency,  and  being  now  informed  that  your 
excellency  deems  it  officially  necessary,  I  should 
were  it  in  my  power  immediately  transmit  your 
excellency  a  copy.  Upon  enquiry  I  have  learned 
that  the  manuscript  was  delivered  over  by  one  of 
the  grand  jury  to  the  editor  of  the  newspaper 
called  the  Patriot,  with  whom  I  suppose  it  still 
remains,  having  never  seen  it  since  it  was  de 
livered  to  the  jury ,-  and  not  having  any  copy  of 
it,  I  enclose  an  order,  by  which  I  suppose  it  may 
be  obtained,  if  your  excellency  thinks  it  important 
to  have  it.  If  I  should  have  been  mistaken  in  as 
cribing  views  and  intentions  which  do  not  exist, 
(which  the  peculiar  state  of  the  times  may  have 
caused  me  to  do,)  your  excellency  I  hope  will 
pardon  this  interruption  to  your  important  labours. 
1  have  the  honour  to  be  with  respect, 
Your  excellency's  obedient  servant, 

ISAAC  PARKER. 


The  Editor  or  Printer  of  the  Patriot 

Will  please  to  deliver  to  the  order  of  his  excel 
lency  governour  Gerry,  the  manuscript  from  which 
a  charge  delivered  by  me  to  the  grand  jury,  wras 
printed.  ISAAC  PARKER. 

Boston,  \  \th  Feb.  UU2. 

VOL.  ii.  40 


362  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Messrs.  Munroe  &  French, 

The  governour  wishes  to  have  the  original  here 
in  alluded  to,  as  soon  as  convenient.     Your's, 

BENJAMIN  HOMANS. 

nth  Feb.  1812. 


Mr.  Farley,  who  handed  to  us  the  charge,  ob 
served  that  it  would  be  called  for  the  next  day. 
We  laid  it  aside  and  carefully  preserved  it  for  sev 
eral  days.  It  not  being  called  for,  we  neglected 
any  further  care  of  it,  and  an  observation  of  Mr. 
Farley  some  days  after,  that  "  it  wTas  printed  cor 
rectly,"  inducing  a  belief  that  it  would  never  be 
wanted,  it  has  been  mislaid,  and  we  are  sorry  to 
say,  is  possibly  destroyed. 
Respectfully, 

MUNROE  &  FRENCH. 


GOVERNOUR  GERRY  TO  JUDGE  PARKER. 

CAMBRIDGE,  MARCH  2,  1812. 

SIR, — On  the  7th  of  January  last,  I  presented 
through  the  secretary  of  the  commonwealth,  to 
yourself  as  an  honourable  judge  of  the  supreme 
judicial  court,  a  respectful  request  for  information, 
"  whether  the  publication  was  correct,  of  your 
charge  to  the  grand  jury  of  Suffolk,  on  the  subject 
of  libels,"  and  received  the  next  day  your  answer 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  363 

to  him,  that  "  not  having  the  manuscript  or  read 
the  charge  in  the  newspapers,  you  could  not  say 
whether  it  has  been  correctly  printed  or  not,  but 
that  if  I  deemed  it  necessary  in  my  administration 
of  the  executive  department,  to  know  with  preci 
sion  what  has  been  done  by  you,  on  the  subject 
alluded  to,  in  your  judicial  capacity,  you  would  as 
soon  as  business  would  permit,  recover  the  manu 
script,  and  transmit  to  me  a  fair  copy  of  it." 

On  the  8th  of  February,  I  informed  you  by  let 
ter,  that  I  deemed  the  information  requested, 
"  officially  necessary,"  but  had  waited  till  the  close 
of  your  session,  "  having  been  desirous  of  avoiding 
every  measure,  that  may  have  embarrassed  or  in 
commoded  you  amidst  your  important  public  con 
cerns."  A  day  or  two  after,  the  secretary  deliv 
ered  me,  when  much  occupied,  a  manuscript  of 
two  sheets  which  were  not  enveloped,  and  took 
from  them  a  scrip,  which  perusing,  I  found  to  be 
your  order  on  the  editor  of  the  Patriot  for  the 
manuscript  of  the  charge,  and  concluding  that  the 
two  sheets  contained  the  charge  itself,  I  hastily 
put  them  into  a  file,  and  did  not  until  the  17th  of 
February,  discover  that  they  contained  your  an 
swer  of  the  10th  to  my  letter  of  the  8th  of  Feb 
ruary.  Immediately  after  this  discovery,  the  se 
cretary  by  my  desire,  sent  your  order  to  the  printer 
of  the  Patriot,  who  stated,  that  the  manuscript 
containing  the  charge,  was  mislaid  or  destroyed. 

The    subsequent  circumstances,   immaterial   in 


364  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

my  mind,  are  mentioned  to  relieve  your's  from  the 
uneasiness  you  expressed,  at  your  having  received 
on  the  bench,  rny  letter  of  the  10th  of  February. 
This  was  an  unavoidable  accident  and  contrary  to 
my  order,  which  directed  the  delivery  of  the  letter 
at  your  house,  on  the  presumption  that  you  would 
receive  it  after  the  rising  of  the  supreme  judicial 
court.  The  frequency  of  such  errors  on  the  part 
of  messengers  usually  renders  unnecessary  ex 
planations  of  this  kind.  But  this  complaint,  sir, 
is  enforced  by  your  solemn  notice,  that  two  letters 
were  by  my  "  order"  sent  to  you  by  the  secretary, 
in  the  course  of  your  arduous  official  engagements. 
One  of  these  letters,  that  of  the  7th  of  January, 
already  referred  to,  you  had  mentioned  as  having 
received  at  your  house  ;  where  the  other  was  de 
livered,  I  know  not,  but  had  supposed  at  the  same 
place ;  indeed  it  did  not  appear  to  me  material,  as 
both  letters  consisted  of  but  few  lines,  and  the 
object  of  the  last  was  to  obtain  a  copy  of  the  first, 
to  ascertain  whether  it  contained  any  thing  offen 
sive  to  yourself.  On  perusing  it,  I  was  happy  to 
find  it  free  from  such  a  charge.  Having  taken  so 
much  of  your  time,  sir,  in  explaining  accidents  and 
matters  which  unexpectedly  had  disturbed  your 
mind,  I  now  deem  it  to  be  a  duty,  which  I  owe  to 
the  public,  to  you  and  to  myself,  to  enclose  a 
printed  copy,  which  I  presume  is  correct,  of  my 
message  on  the  27th  of  February  last  to  the  legis 
lature,  and  to  state,  that  it  was  for  the  purpose  of 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  365 

making  this  communication  to  the  legislature,  at 
an  early  period  of  its  session  that  the  information 
in  regard  to  your  charge  was  requested.  I  do  not 
apprehend  the  supreme  judicial  court  has  intended 
in  the  exercise  of  *its  judicial  functions,  to  inter 
fere  with  those  of  the  legislature  or  executive. 
But  I  perfectly  agree  with  you,,  sir,  "  that  it  is  my 
duty  to  resist  an  unintentional  encroachment,  al 
though  the  act  which  constitutes  it,  may  not  in 
the  apprehension  of  that  court,  have  the  character 
which  seems  to  me  to  belonir  to  it." 

3 

It  was  surprising  to  me  to  learn  by  your  letter, 
"  that  you  was  led  to  believe  some  object  of  a  per 
sonal  nature,  toward  yourself  was  in  my  contem 
plation,"  conscious  as  I  wras  of  never  having  ex 
pressed  a  sentiment  or  opinion  in  regard  to  your 
self  which  could  have  authorised  that  belief,  or 
that  had  not  made  a  very  favourable  impression. 
It  was  impossible  then  for  me  to  conceive  what 
other  reasons  could  exist  in  your  mind  for  such  a 
belief,  or  for  supposing  me  capable  of  attempting 
to  draw  from  you  information,  to  criminate  your 
self.  No  part  of  my  conduct,  I  trust,  could  war 
rant  such  a  suspicion. 

What  has  been  stated,  sir,  I  presume  is  sufficient 
to  show,  that  altercation  on  my  request  in  regard 
to  your  charge  was  unnecessary ;  that  you  was  at 
liberty  to  comply  or  not  with  that  request ;  and 
that  it  resulted  from  a  sense  of  official  duty. 

I  regret,   sir,    that    "  the  peculiar   state  of   the 


366  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

times  may  have  caused  you  to  ascribe  to  me  views 
and  intentions,"  which  did  not,  and  could  not  exist, 
and  the  more  so,  as  in  the  case  of  your  refusal  to 
admit  John  Shirley  Williams,  Esq.  commissioned 
by  me  (and  duly  qualified)  as  a  clerk  of  the  judi 
cial  courts  of  the  county  of  Norfolk,  your  con 
duct  was  not  considered  as  an  opposition  to  law, 
or  to  the  executive  authority  ;  but  was  viewed  and 
treated  by  me  as  an  inadvertence  on  the  part  of 
the  supreme  judicial  court,  too  minute  to  make  any 
serious  impression. 

My  desire  and  intention  are  to  support  the  dig 
nity  and  authority  of  the  judicial,  as  well  as  of 
the  other  departments  of  government. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  respectfully 
Your  obedient  servant, 

E.  GERRY. 

Hon.  Isaac  Parker, 

An  associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court. 


Before  the  close  of  the  legislature  the  gover- 
nour  made  a  communication  on  the  subject  of 
libels  and  the  charge  of  the  justice  of  the  supreme 
court  in  connexion  therewith.  In  this  message 
he  remarks  : 

"  The  honourable  judge  Parker  in  his  charge, 
states  that  a  more  important  variance  (than  had 
been  by  him  mentioned)  from  the  strict  common 
law  principles  relating  to  libels,  has  lately  been 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  367 

adopted  here  as  resulting  from  the  nature  of  our 
government  and  the  express  provisions  of  our  con 
stitution  ;  this  is  that  in  trials  of  indictment  for 
libels  upon  persons  holding  offices,  which  depend 
upon  an  election  by  the  people  or  permitting 
themselves  to  be  candidates  for  such  offices,  the 
accused  is  permitted  to  give  the  truth  in  evidence. 
Thejudges  have  not  confined  themselves  in  their 
variance  from  the  common  law,  as  it  is  conceived 
they  ought  to  have  done,  to  the  express  provisions 
of  our  constitution,  but  have  taken  an  indefinite 
rule  for  their  conduct,  namely,  "  the  nature  of  our 
government."  They  have  also  implied  if  not  ex 
pressed  that  in  the  support  of  libels  upon  judges 
and  executive  officers  not  elected  by  the  people, 
the  truth  is  not  to  be  given  in  evidence ;  but  their 
reasons  for  these  positions  are  not  stated.  "  If 
a  bad  man  is  at  any  time  held  up  for  the  office  of 
governour,  senator  or  representative,"  it  may  be  de 
sirable,  as  judge  Parker  states,  "  to  let  the  people 
know,  through  the  medium  of  the  press,  that  they 
cannot  elect  such  a  man  without  disgracing  or  ruin 
ing  themselves."  And  is  it  not  equally  true  that 
if  there  are  in  office  bad  judges,  they  ought  to  be 
placed  precisely  on  the  same  ground,  that  their 
mal-practices  being  publicly  exposed,  may  meet 
prompt  investigation  and  produce  their  removal 
and  punishment  ?  Can  it  be  denied  that  as  great 
a  proportion  of  judges  as  of  other  public  function 
aries,  in  all  countries  and  ages,  have  been  bad 


368  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

men,  although  by  their  professional  address  they 
may  have  been  more  successful  in  escaping  punish 
ment  ;  and  if  the  conduct  of  a  judge  is  to  be  ex 
empt  from  the  press,  may  not  the  judicial  de 
partment  by  the  power,  which  they  are  now  ex 
ercising,  and  by  the  doctrines,  which  are  and  may 
be  promulgated  by  them,  establish  an  unconstitu 
tional  and  dangerous  influence  in  the  state." 

"  If  the  judicial  department  of  the  state  should 
at  any  time  consist  of  bad  men,  who  are  desirous 
to  oppose  and  overthrow  the  national  and  state 
governments,  or  either  of  them  ;  to  favour  or 
frown  on  individuals  according  to  their  political 
opinions  ;  to  punish  one  individual  severely  and  an 
other  lightly  for  the  same  offence ;  to  protect  the 
guilty  and  punish  the  innocent,  or  to  commit  under 
the  garb  of  justice  any  other  atrocities,  ought  not 
such  mal-practices  to  be  exposed  by  the  press  in 
order  to  procure  the  removal  of  every  such  offender 
from  office,  as  well  as  the  misconduct  of  indi 
viduals  who  are  in,  or  may  be  candidates  for 
offices,  to  prevent  their  election  by  the  people." 

These  pregnant  intimations  were  communicated 
to  the  legislature  at  too  late  a  period  of  the  session 
to  be  very  thoroughly  and  extensively  understood, 
and  the  change  of  administration  prevented  any 
further  proceedings. 

There  were  men  in  the  confidence  of  the  gov- 
ernour,  who  would  have  been  willing  and  able  to 
have  prevented  any  very  serious  attack  on  the 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  869 

judicial  functionaries,  though  they  might  have 
been  contented  to  alarm  the  possessors  of  that 
delicate  power  with  the  apprehension  that  it  was 
not  in  future  to  be  used,  if  ever  in  past  time  it 
had  been,  with  partiality  or  favour. 

The  matter,  however,  already  disclosed  had  too 
distinctive  a  character  not  to  intimidate  those, 
whose  esprit  du  corps  attached  them  to  the  judi 
ciary  establishment,  and  added  another  phalanx  to 
the  party,  who  would  be  desirous  of  changing  the 
administration  of  the  state. 

The  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  which  was  not  declared  by  congress  until 
17th  June  IB  12,  was  already  seen  to  be  in  progress. 
Indications  of  the  approaching  storm  had  been 
clearly  discernible  frorn  the  proceedings  of  the 
national  councils.  To  all  the  local  concerns, 
which  have  been  enumerated,  and  to  numerous 
others  of  high  excitement  at  the  moment,  which 
swell  the  history  of  party  contest  in  Massachusetts, 
was  added  the  connexion  between  the  government 
of  the  nation  and  the  interest  of  the  common 
wealth.  Federalists  were  a  peace  party.  War 
with  England  was,  by  their  code  of  national  honour, 
unjust  and  unnatural.  Those  lofty  sentiments  of 
pride,  those  chivalrous  feelings  which  at  a  former 
period  sounded  boldly  and  gallantly  at  the  pros 
pect  of  hostility,  if  they  had  not  subsided,  were 
silenced,  and  gave  place  to  grave  questions  of 
prudence  and  close  calculations  of  economy.  The 

VOL.   n.  47 


370  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

governour  belonged  to  the  war  council.  To  the 
measures  of  the  national  administration  he  gave 
his  most  cordial  approbation,  and  disregarding  his 
own  personal  popularity  or  interest,  made  the 
whole  object  of  his  efforts  to  consist  in  giving  to 
the  general  government  all  the  aid  that  could  in 
any  way  be  derived  from  the  wealth,  the  power 
and  concurrence  of  the  state.  In  his  address  to 
the  legislature,  on  their  assembling  in  January,  he 
had  discussed  the  various  subjects  of  controversy 
existing  between  the  United  States  and  foreign 
governments,  insisting  on  the  correctness  of  our 
own  conduct,  the  impossibility  of  any  other,  con 
sistently  with  self-respect  or  public  interest,  and 
on  the  duty  of  our  citizens  of  every  party  to  gather 
round  the  standard,  which  the  government  had 
raised.  With  a  boldness  suited  rather  to  his  own 
character  than  to  the  policy  of  the  times,  he  impu 
ted  in  plain  terms  a  deficiency  of  patriotism  and  a 
defect  of  public  spirit  to  whomsoever,  in  the  ap 
proaching  contest,  should  hesitate  to  strengthen 
the  arm  of  his  country.  Coming  directly  to  the 
point  at  which  all  the  arrangements  of  the  govern 
ment  tended,  though  they  had  not  then  been 
announced,  he  says  :  "  If  Great  Britain  had  been 
wise  and  just,  a  war  with  her  would  be  contrary  to 
the  mutual  interests  of  both  nations.  Under  exist 
ing  circumstances  it  will  be  a  wonderful  event  to 
be  explained  only  by  her  political  blindness  or 
obstinate  injustice.  Will  it  not  accelerate  her 


LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  371 

own  destruction  ?     This,  which  is  in  her  power  to 
prevent,  is  not  the  object  of  the  United  States. 
They  would  deeply  regret  it.     But  their  existence 
as  an  independent  nation  depends  on  their  main 
taining  their  rights  or    repelling    a    further  inva 
sion  of  them  and  obtaining  justice  for  past  injuries. 
In  support  of  the  dignified  and  energetic  conduct 
of  our  national   government,  will  not  the  citizens 
of  this  state  be  ardent,  to   pledge    their  property, 
their  lives,  and  their  sacred  honour  ?     The  present 
state  of  our  country,   the  spirit  of  the  nation,  the 
union   of  her   citizens,   her  ability  (in  her  zenith) 
to  enforce  her  rights,  the  hazard  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain  of  refusing  justice  ;  all  conspire  to 
confirm  the  policy  of  decision  and  v4gour,  by  the 
United    States,  and  the  individual    states. — If  at 
this  momentous  crisis   the  nation  should  cease  to 
respect  herself,  and  shrink  from  the   indispensable 
duty   of   self-preservation,   shall   we  not  be  urged 
soon  by  the  advocates  of  vassalage  to  supplicate 
his  Britannic  majesty  to  admit  us  again  into  his 
royal  favour  as  penitent  subjects,   to  grant  us  his 
kind  protection,  and  to  cheer  us  with  his  paternal 
smiles,    and   above  all,  to  recommend   us   to  the 
patronage  of  his  faithful  royalists  in  these  his  duti 
ful  provinces  ?" 

In  the  contest,  which  the  governour's  personal 
and  official  influence  was  incessantly  exerted  to 
accelerate,  the  power  of  the  enemy,  which  it 
suited  the  policy  of  the  opposition  to  enlarge,  did 


372  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

not  alarm  him.  He  felt  a  confidence  in  the  re 
sources  of  the  country  and  spirit  of  the  citizens, 
which  on  every  occasion  he  earnestly  endeavoured 
extensively  to  inspire  and  diffuse.  The  evidence 
among  other  measures  is  in  the  communication  of 
the  following  message  to  the  general  court,  on 
21st  January  1812. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

It  being  officially  announced  that  the  Indians 
complain  "  they  cannot  receive  the  usual  supplies 
of  goods,  by  reason  of  the  nonimportation  act, 
and  that  they  are  not  to  be  purchased  within  the 
United  States,"  I  submit  to  your  consideration 
whether  it  is  not  incumbent  on  this  state  to  use 
the  means  in  its  power  for  enabling  the  national 
government  to  rise  superior  to  such  an  humiliating 
circumstance. 

In  the  year  1775,  when  our  war  with  Great 
Britain  commenced,  and  when  immediately  pre 
ceding  it  a  nonimportation  act  had  been  strictly 
carried  into  effect,  the  state  of  Massachusetts  ap 
portioned  on  their  towns  respectively  to  be  manu 
factured  by  them,  the  articles  of  clothing  wanted 
for  their  proportion  of  the  army,  which  besieged 
Boston,  and  fixed  the  prices  and  qualities  of  those 
articles,  and  they  were  duly  supplied  within  a 
short  period.  Thus  before  we  had  arrived  at  the 
threshold  of  independence,  and  when  we  were  in 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  373 

an  exhausted  state  by  the  antecedent  voluntary 
and  patriotic  sacrifice  of  our  commerce,  between 
thirteen  and  fourteen  thousand  cloth  coats  were 
manufactured,  made  and  delivered  into  our  maga 
zine  within  a  few  months  from  the  date  of  the 
resolve,  which  first  communicated  the  requisition. 
Thirty-six  years  have  since  elapsed,  during 
twenty-nine  of  which  we  have  enjoyed  peace  and 
prosperity,  and  have  increased  in  numbers,  manu 
factures,  wealth,  and  resources  beyond  the  most 
sanguine  expectations. 

All  branches  of  this  government  have  declared 
their  opinion,  and  I  conceive  on  the  most  solid 
principles,  that  as  a  nation  we  are  independent  of 
every  other  for  the  necessaries,  conveniences,  and 
for  many  of  the  luxuries  of  life.  Let  us  not  then 
at  this  critical  period  admit  any  obstruction,  which 
we  have  power  to  remove,  to  discourage  or  retard 
the  national  exertions  for  asserting  and  maintain 
ing  our  rights  ;  and  above  all  let  us  convince  Great 
Britain  that  we  can  and  will  be  independent  of 
her  for  every  article  of  commerce,  whilst  she  con 
tinues  to  be  the  ostensible  friend  but  implacable 
foe  of  our  prosperity,  government,  union  and  inde 
pendence. 

By  calling  on  the  inhabitants  of  this  state  and 
offering  them  reasonable  prices,  there  exists  no 
doubt  in  my  mind  of  our  ability  to  supply  every 
article  of  clothing,  which  may  be  wanted  for  our 
proportion  of  troops,  that  may  be  wanted  to  carry 


374  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

on  a  defensive  or  most  vigorous  offensive  war,  and 
at  the  same  time  every  article  that  may  be  want 
ed  by  the  Indians. 

But  if  this  should  appear  in  any  degree  a  doubt 
ful  point,  cannot  the  wealthy  and  manufacturing 
states  of  Massachusetts,  New- York  and  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  those  north  of  the  latter,  effect  the 
object? 

The  question  requires  not  a  moment  to  give  a 
prompt  affirmative  answer. 

The  legislature  then  having  a  thorough  know 
ledge  of  the  resources  of  this  commonwealth,  of 
her  ability  and  her  disposition  to  draw  them  forth 
on  such  an  important  occasion,  leave  nothing  ne 
cessary  to  be  added  on  this  subject. 

E.  GERRY. 

Council  Chamber,  Jan.  21,  1812. 


It  was  not  by  words  merely  that  the  governour 
proved  the  strength  of  his  attachment  to  the  policy 
of  the  national  cabinet.  On  10th  of  April  con 
gress  passed  an  act  "  authorizing  the  president  of 
the  United  States  to  require  the  executives  of  the 
several  states  and  territories  to  take  effectual 
measures  to  organize,  arm  and  equip  according  to 
law,  and  hold  in  readiness  to  march  at  a  moment's 
warning,  their  proportion  of  one  hundred  thousand 
militia,  officers  included."  The  requisition  was 
made  by  the  president  on  Massachusetts,  for  ten 
thousand  men,  as  the  quota  of  that  state,  and  the 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  375 

general  orders  of  the  governour  and  commander  in 
chief  were  issued  on  the  25th  of  the  same  month, 
containing  the  entire  details  of  the  service  ;  so 
promptly  did  he  deem  it  necessary  to  meet  the 
exigency  of  the  case.  Nice  questions  of  political 
casuistry,  as  to  the  relative  rights  of  the  state  or 
the  nation  over  the  citizen  soldier  of  the  country, 
had  not  been  invented  to  disturb  the  harmony  of 
the  people,  and  surely  if  they  had  arisen  they 
would  have  been  treated  like  the  fancies  of  an  un 
sound  mind.  Under  his  administration  the  force 
of  the  state  would  have  been  willingly  and  even 
earnestly  displayed,  in  whatever  position  it  could 
render  the  most  effectual  service.  "  We  have 
been,"  said  he,  in  a  private  letter  of  this  date, 
"  long  enough  at  peace  ;  we  are  losing  our  spirit, 
our  character,  and  our  independence.  We  are 
degenerating  into  a  mere  nation  of  traders,  and 
are  forgetting  the  honour  of  our  ancestors  and  the 
interest  of  posterity.  We  must  be  roused  by 
some  great  event  that  may  stir  up  the  ancient 
patriotism  of  the  people.  Policy  has  kept  us 
quiet  until  it  ceases  to  be  policy.  Weakness  and 
exhaustion  prevented  us  from  noble  daring,  and  it 
was  wise  in  us  to  temporize  until  we  gained 
strength  and  vigour.  We  have  now  grown  to 
manhood,  and  it  will  be  shameful  in  the  man  to 
bear  what  the  child  might  submit  to  without  dis 
honour." 

But  there  is  some  difficulty  in  raising  the  tern- 


376  LIFE   OP  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

per  of  a  people  long  lapsed  in  indolence  and  ease  to 
the  energy  or  the  spirit  of  belligerents.  Prepara 
tions  for  war  alarm  them.  Taxes  and  loans,  and  the 
personal  services,  and  the  cessation  of  commerce, 
which  precede  it,  will  always  hang  a  dead  weight 
on  their  gallantry.  The  task  is  rendered  more 
difficult  when  the  causes  of  war  may  be  impugned, 
and  the  evils  which  it  threatens  may  plausibly  be 
charged,  not  on  enemies  abroad,  but  on~  mis 
management  at  home.  To  a  war  with  England, 
and  to  that  course  of  administration  which  now 
rendered  it  inevitable,  the  whole  policy  and  feel 
ing,  and  all  the  zeal  and  passion  of  the  federal 
party  had  been  steadily  opposed,  and  now  that 
the  crisis  had  arrived,  and  before  the  splendours 
of  conquest  and  the  shouts  of  victory  had  inspired 
animation  and  roused  the  spirit  of  the  community, 
they  found  it  easy  to  enlarge  the  circle  of  their 
forces,  and  to  become  popular  as  a  peace  party  by 
whatever  considerations  peace  might  be  preserved. 
The  annual  election  of  state  officers  presented 
a  favourable  opportunity  to  regain  the  power  they 
had  lost.  Identifying  themselves  with  the  oppo 
sition,  as  the  governour  had  identified  himself 
with  the  administration  of  the  national  govern 
ment,  they  declared  that  by  electing  federal  rulers 
in  Massachusetts,  a  change  would  be  made  in  the 
national  executive,  that  a  settlement  would  be 
then  made  with  England  that  would  give  new 
energies  to  commerce,  that  an  unrestrained  com- 


LIFE  OP  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  377 

merce  would  give  activity  to  the  pursuits  of  agricul 
ture  to  all  the  mechanic  arts,  to  the  fisheries  and 
to  all  departments  of  industry,  and  that  the  elec 
tion  of  federalists  would  deal  a  death  blow  to  the 
standing  army,  direct  taxes,  immense  loans,  dis 
gusting  excises,  stamp  acts  and  other  evils,  which 
hang  like  a  black  cloud  on  their  devoted  heads. 

"  If  the  democratic  candidates  are  elected, 
nothing  on  earth  can  prevent  the  continuance 
for  years  to  come  of  all  the  deprivations,  distresses, 
decay  of  business  and  other  evils,  which  now 
spread  calamity  in  every  quarter  of  the  country, 
and  which  have  been  hourly  increasing  ever  since 
the  country  has  been  governed  by  democratic 
rulers." 

As  preparation  for  the  coming  war,  an  embargo 
was  decided  upon  by  the  committee  of  foreign  re 
lations  in  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  Unit 
ed  States,  and  notice  of  the  yet  immature  purpose 
communicated  by  some  of  the  Massachusetts 
members  of  congress  by  express,  which  arrived  in 
Boston  on  the  eve  of  the  annual  election.  The 
news  was  immediately  sent  through  the  state. 

In  an  embargo  there  was  something  dishearten 
ing  and  discouraging.  It  had  the  misery  of  war 
without  its  benefits ;  the  sacrifice  incident  to  bat 
tle  with  no  chance  for  the  exhilaration  of  victory. 
To  the  local  matters  herein  before  enumerated 
and  to  the  connexion  between  the  executive  of  the 
state  and  the  nation,  was  now  added  the  paralysis  of 

VOL.  n.  48 


378  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

another  embargo  upon  all  enterprise  and  exertion. 
These  circumstances  of  the  election  called  out  a 
larger  vote  than  had  ever  before  been  given  in  the 
commonwealth,  and  resulted  in  the  success  of  the 
federal  candidate  by  a  majority  of  1370,  out  of 
104156  votes. 

The  immense  difference  between  the  policy  of 
him  who  had  been  removed,  and  of  him  who  had 
been  placed  in  the  chair,  had  not  been  overstated 
by  the  friends  of  the  successful  chief  magistrate. 
The  former  had  scarcely  been  settled  again  as  a 
private  citizen  on  his  farm,  before  the  war,  which 
had  so  long  been  apprehended,  was  declared  in 
form  by  the  constitutional  act  of  the  lawful  au 
thority.  Had  he  continued  in  office,  he  would 
have  reechoed  the  declaration  in  the  enlivening 
tones  of  patriotism  and  pride,  inciting  the  people 
of  his  state  by  bold  and  vigorous  exertions  to 
crown  the  conflict  with  honour,  and  animating 
their  courage  by  reciting  the  example  of  their  an 
cestors,  displaying  the  responsibility  they  held  to 
the  country,  and  urging  them  to  make  their  own 
names  as  famous  in  future  annals  as  were  those 
who  fell  at  Bunker  Hill  or  conquered  on  the  plains 
of  Monmouth. 

His  successor  was  pleased  to  announce  it  in  a 
manner  characteristic  of  the  new  party  in  power. 
He  ordained  a  day  of  public  fasting,  humiliation 
and  prayer,  because  of  the  great  calamity  of  being 
engaged  in  war  against  "  a  nation  from  which  we 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  379 

are  descended,  and  which  for  many  generations 
has  been  the  bulwark  of  the  religion  we  profess;" 
He  exhorted  the  people  "  to  ascribe  righteousness 
to  our  Maker  when  he  threatens  us  with  the  most 
severe  of  all  temporal  calamities,  and  to  beseech 
him  to  avert  the  tokens  of  his  anger  and  to  remem 
ber  us  with  his  former  loving  kindness  and  tender 
mercy ;"  and  "  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  state 
may  be  the  objects  of  his  peculiar  favour,  that  he 
would  take  them  under  his  holy  protection,  and 
hide  them  in  his  pavilion  until  these  dangers  be 
past  ;  that  the  chastisements  with  which  he  may 
think  proper  to  afflict  us  may  serve  to  humble  us 
and  do  us  good,  and  that  we  may  not  be  like  those 
who  are  hardened  by  his  corrections,  and  who  in 
the  time  of  their  trouble  multiply  their  transgres 
sions  against  him." 

The  policy  of  the  ex-governour  of  Massachu 
setts  would  have  elevated  the  spirits  and  animated 
the  confidence  and  cherished  the  hopes  and  nerv 
ed  the  courage  of  his  countrymen.  If  he  had 
called  them  round  their  domestic  altars,  it  would 
have  been  for  thanksgiving  and  not  to  fast ;  he 
would  have  called  them  there  not  in  humiliation 
that  calamity  had  fallen  upon  them,  but  in  grati 
tude  that  they  possessed  the  pride  of  freemen  and 
the  resolution  to  maintain  their  liberties  ;  he  would 
not  have  begged  to  hide  them  from  danger,  but 
advancing  at  the  first  signal  of  an  enemy,  asked 
of  the  God  of  armies  "  to  teach  their  hands  to  war 
and  their  fingers  to 


380  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Little  effort  is  necessary  to  create  terror  and 
alarm.  Dangers  that  are  unseen  may  be  made  to 
terrify  the  imagination  with  illimitable  horror. 
The  cry  of  sauve  qui  pent  once  raised,  confusion 
and  dismay  will  overwhelm  those  who  raise  it. 

The  desponding  and  affrighted  tone  of  this  first 
proclamation  of  the  Massachusetts  executive,  the 
deplorable  and  abasing  sentiment  with  which  in 
an  act  of  religious  service,  purified  from  all  politi 
cal  design,  the  whole  people  of  the  commonwealth 
were  directed  to  unite  as  if  they  were  expecting 
the  dissolution  of  the  globe,  and  the  day  of  final 
retribution,  had  its  effect  in  restraining  the  gener 
ous  and  gallant  and  lofty  spirit  of  a  high  minded 
and  patriotic  people,  so  that  aided  by  other  meas 
ures  of  the  peace  party  their  majority,  which  in 
the  contest  with  governour  Gerry  scarcely  exceed 
ed  thirteen  hundred  voters,  amounted  at  the  elec 
tion  of  electors  in  November  to  24023. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  381 


CHAPTER   XI. 

Elected  vice-president  of  the  United  States ^Address  of  congratu 
lation  from  his  friends  in  Massachusetts..  ....*\*ational  and  state 

policy Presides  in   the  senate  of  the    United  States The 

cabinet His  opinion  of  the  opposition  in  Massachusetts 

Sudden  death Funeral Proposed  bill  to  continue  his  salary 

to  his  widow Itost   in   the  house   of  representatives His 

monument Inscription. 

THE  loss  of  the  chief  magistracy  of  Massachu 
setts  was  amply  compensated  to  the  ex-governour 
by  the  vice-presidency  of  the  United  States.  The 
republican  party  through  the  country  had  beheld 
with  the  highest  satisfaction  the  steadiness  of  his 

o 

attachment  to  their  principles,  the  fearlessness 
with  which  he  had  advanced  them  where  they 
were  least  popular,  and  the  aid,  which  his  charac 
ter  as  a  distinguished  actor  in  the  war  that  acquir 
ed  independence,  would  give  to  the  contest  which 
in  their  opinion  would  secure  it. 

At  a  meeting  held  by  the  members  of  congress 
of  that  party,  on  the  8th  June  1812,  at  Washing 
ton,  he  was  proposed  by  nearly  an  unanimous 
vote*  for  the  suffrages  of  the  electoral  colleges, 
and  on  the  first  Wednesday  of  December  of  that 
year,  was  elected  vice-president  of  the  United 
States.f  It  was  not  possible  to  have  imagined  a 

*  More  exactly  74  to  3. 

f  This  election  was  entirely  on  party  grounds  throughout  the 
United  States,  excepting  only  that  Mr.  Gerry  received  one  vote 


382  LIFE    OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

more  splendid  reward  for  the  aid  he  had  given  to 
the  political  principles  of  his  party. 

To  his  friends  in  Massachusetts  the  nomination 
was  particularly  pleasing,  and  the  result  of  the 
election  was  received  with  great  exultation  and 
delight. 

They  felt  the  compliment  thus  paid  to  their  ex 
ertions  under  circumstances  calculated  greatly  to 
depress  them  ;  and  the  honour  reflected  on  them 
selves  added  new  zeal  to  their  efforts  in  support 
of  the  national  administration.  "  The  republican 
members  of  the  senate  and  house  of  representa 
tives  of  Massachusetts  and  other  citizens,"  as 
sembled  in  Boston,  presented  to  the  vice-president 
elect  an  address  of  congratulation,  in  the  most  res 
pectful  and  affectionate  terms,  in  which  they  thank 
him  for  the  open  avowal  of  his  attachment  fo  the 
national  and  state  constitutions,  while  he  exercis 
ed  the  office  of  chief  magistracy  of  the  common 
wealth,  and  felicitate  themselves  on  the  evidence 
of  the  cordiality  of  their  southern  fellow  citizens, 
"  in  selecting  a  character  so  fully  comprising  the 
essential  qualities  of  a  republican,  and  so  ade 
quate  to  maintaining  the  great  principles  of  the 
revolution  in  their  original  purity." 

The  answer  of  the  vice-president  acknowledges 
the  kindness  of  his  friends  in  Massachusetts,  and 


in  New-Hampshire  and  two  votes  in  Massachusetts,  which  were 
withheld  from  Mr.  Madison.  One  of  these  was  given  by  his  old 
friend  in  the  revolution,  general  Heath. 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  383 

his  sensibility  to  this  high  proof  of  the  confidence 
of  the  country. 

Indeed  this  election  seemed  to  him  as  an  appeal 
from  the  decree  of  the  state  to  the  tribunal  of  the 
nation,  a  reversal  by  their  authority  of  an  unjust 
decision,  and  the  consequent  restoration  of  his 
character  to  its  former  elevation. 

Since  the  peace  of  1783,  he  had  reluctantly  en 
gaged  in  public  life.  Every  situation  he  had  oc 
cupied  was  a  sacrifice  of  his  own  inclinations  to 
the  calls  of  his  country  ;  but  in  the  present  hon 
ourable  distinction  he  felt  the  highest  sensations 
of  gratified  ambition  ;  and  cheerfully  assumed  the 
duties  of  a  station,  which  in  addition  to  its  inhe 
rent  dignity,  had  the  cheering  appearance  of  a  re 
ward  for  past  labours  of  patriotism,  and  a  compen 
sation  for  the  consequences  of  political  fidelity. 

A  statesman,  if  there  be  one,  who  always  sails 
with  the  breeze  of  popularity,  knows  not  the 
keenest  delights  of  his  eminent  profession.  The 
most  exquisite  enjoyment  of  a  servant  of  the  peo 
ple  is  at  the  moment  when  they  make  their  ac 
knowledgement  for  sacrifices  submitted  to  in  their 

o 

service,  and  recall  him  to  new  and  greater  honours, 
more  generous  confidence  and  more  conspicuous 
station.  It  is  then  that  the  pursuits  of  civil  life 
have  the  animation  and  excitement  of  military 
glory.  In  the  cabinet  and  the  field,  men  are 
equally  exposed  to  misfortune,  but  a  gallant  spirit 
lightly  feels  a  wound,  which  is  repaid  by  the  con 
solation  and  applause  of  his  country. 


384  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

On  the  4th  of  March  1813,  the  oaths  of  office 
were  administered  to  the  vice-president  at  his  re 
sidence  in  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  by  the  judge 
of  the  district  court  of  the  United  States,  and  on 
24th  May  succeeding,  at  a  special  session  of  con 
gress,  he  took  his  seat  as  president  of  the  senate.* 

On  this  occasion  he  addressed  that  body  in  a 
speech,  unusual  indeed,  if  regard  be  had  to  pre 
cedent,  but  consistent  enough  with  the  natural 
frankness  of  his  character  and  the  earnestness 
with  which  he  was  ever  ready  to  bring  all  the  re 
sources  of  his  mind  and  all  the  influence  of  his 
station  to  the  aid  of  his  political  principles. 

Instead  of  the  few  complimentary  phrases  which 
usually  serve  the  ceremony  of  introduction,  the 
vice-president  entered  into  somewhat  of  a  formal 
review  of  the  state  of  the  country,  bestowing  a 
panegyric  on  the  exalted  personage  who  filled  the 
supreme  executive,  not  disguising  a  reproof  of 
any  who  would  distract  the  unity  of  the  public 
councils ;  and  exciting  a  spirit  that  should  "  meet 
with  ardour  an  indispensable  war." 

*  On  his  journey  to  Washington  an  incident  occurred,  which 
serves  to  show  the  natural  amenity  of  Mr.  Gerry's  disposition. 
He  and  colonel  Pickering  were  in  the  same  stage  coach.  Ar 
riving  late  at  Hartford,  Connecticut,  the  house  afforded  but  one 
unoccupied  bed,  which  was  of  course  assigned  to  the  vice-presi 
dent,  while  his  fellow  passengers  were  destined  to  pass  the  night 
on  a  table  or  chair.  He  could  not  permit  a  person  of  the  colo 
nel's  age  to  be  thus  incommoded,  but  offered  him  the  half  the 
accommodation,  appropriated  to  himself,  which  was  gladly  ac 
cepted  ;  and  the  old  gentlemen  passed  the  night  in  the  same 
bed  as  quieUy  as  if  they  had  always  been  personal  friends. 


LIFE   OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  385 

"  The  United  States,"  he  says,  "  are  now  the 
enemy  of  Great  Britain.  And  is  it  not  easy  to 
foresee  that  if  the  war  should  continue,  the  Canadas 
will  be  rendered  independent  of  her,  and  as  friends 
or  allies  of  the  United  States,  will  no  longer  be 
instrumental  in  exciting  an  unrelenting  and  savage 
warfare  against  our  extensive  and  defenceless 
borders  ?  To  such  inhuman  acts  in  former  times 
were  the  Canadians  urged  by  France  in  her  Albion 
wars  ;  and  by  our  colonial  aid  Great  Britain  ob 
tained  jurisdiction  over  them.  She  in  turn  has 
abused  this  power  and  has  justified  the  United 
States  in  their  efforts  to  divest  her  of  it.  And  is 
not  their  energy  adequate  to  the  object? 

"  Will  not  this  be  evident  by  a  view  of  their 
effective  national  and  state  governments  ;  of  their 
great  and  increasing  resources  ;  of  the  unconquer- 
ed  minds  and  formidable  numbers  of  their  citizens; 
of  their  martial  spirit ;  of  their  innate  attachment 
to  their  rights  and  liberties,  and  of  their  inflexible 
determination  to  preserve  them  ? 

"  But  if  any  one  still  doubts,  will  he  not  recollect 
that  at  the  commencement  of  our  revolutionary 
war  the  united  colonies  had  not  a  third  of  their 
present  population,  nor  arms,  nor  military  stores 
for  a  single  campaign ;  nor  specie  in  their  treasu 
ry,  nor  funds  for  emitting  a  paper  currency,  nor  a 
national  government,  nor  (excepting  in  two  in 
stances)  state  governments,  nor  the  knowledge  of 
naval  or  military  tactics.  Will  he  not  also  remem- 

VOL.  ii.  40 


386  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ber  that  Great  Britain  was  then  in  the  zenith  of 
her  power,  that  neighbouring  nations  trembled  at 
her  nod,  that  the  colonies  were  under  her  control ; 
that  her  crown  officers  opposed  every  mean  of  re 
sisting  her,  excited  among  the  colonial  govern 
ments  over  which  they  presided  unfounded  jeal 
ousies  of  each  other,  and  embarrassed  every  mea 
sure  of  their  union ;  that  she  was  loaded  with  less 
than  a  fifth  of  her  present  national  debt,  that  she 
was  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  and  that  she  is 
now  at  war  with  a  great  part  of  Europe  as  well  as 
with  the  United  States.  If  Great  Britain  herself 
reflects  on  these  things  may  we  not  hope  she  will 
relinquish  a  vain  attempt  to  awe  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  by  exaggerated  statements  of  her 
military  and  naval  power,  by  delusive  views  of  our 
unprepared  state  for  war,  of  the  great  expense  of 
it,  and  of  the  difficulties  we  are  to  encounter  in 
defence  of  all  that  is  valuable  to  men  ?  If  instead 
of  fruitless  artifices  she  will  make  rational  and 
equitable  arrangements,  which  the  government  of 
the  United  States  have  always  been  ready  to 
meet,  the  two  nations  will  be  speedily  restored  to 
their  wonted  friendship  and  commerce." 

The  station  of  the  vice-president  is  that  wrhich 
may  enable  an  ambitious  man  most  adroitly  to 
conciliate  the  public  favour.  Called  to  express  no 
opinion  unless  by  a  concurrence  of  circumstances, 
which  places  him  in  the  majority,  the  odium  of 
unpopular  measures  may  always  be  avoided,  and 


LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  3S7 

the  credit  of  those,  which  are  successful,  easily 
secured.  But  no  such  cautious  and  calculating 
prudence  marked  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Gerry.  There 
was  no  desire  on  his  part  to  play  the  double  game, 
which  might  win  the  favour  of  his  adversaries  by 
sometimes  leaving  the  cause  of  his  friends.  He 
deemed  the  duty  imposed  upon  him  by  the  favour 
of  his  fellow  citizens  to  consist  in  usinqj  all  the 
influence  of  his  office,  not  in  advancing  his  own 
personal  comfort,  but  in  boldly,  strenuously  and 
invariably  aiding  the  policy  of  the  administration, 
and  in  making  all  his  efforts  subsidiary  to  the  ad 
vancement  of  the  great  cause,  in  which  they  were 
engaged. 

The  situation  of  the  United  States,  when  the 
vice-president  took  the  chair  of  the  senate,  was 
indeed  critical.  War  had  been  declared  with 
Great  Britain,  and  time  enough  had  elapsed  to 
bring  home  to  the  knowledge  of  the  people  the 
condition  and  consequences  of  their  novel  situa 
tion.  During  that  period  an  election  of  national 
and  state  officers  had  been  made,  and  the  popu 
larity  of  the  administration  policy  been  put  to  se 
vere  test.  The  result  wras  a  strong  support  of  the 
party  in  power.  In  the  electoral  colleges  the 
president  had  received  128  out  217  votes.  There 
was  a  majority  in  the  house  of  representatives  and 
in  the  senate  on  the  same  side. 

In  the  national  government  therefore  the  domi 
nant  party  might  look  down  opposition. 


388  LIFE   OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

In  most  of  the  southern  and  western  states  the 
same  sentiment  prevailed.  In  New  England  how 
ever  the  opposition  had  an  overwhelming  force, 
the  direction  of  which  was  assumed  by  Massachu 
setts.  This  division  of  parties  by  geographical 
lines,  augured  ill  for  the  stability  of  a  government, 
whose  principal  of  vitality  was  yet  the  subject  of 
experiment. 

The  course  of  the  opposite  opinions  of  the  two 
parties  is  well  illustrated  in  the  message  of  the 
president  of  the  United  States,  and  the  remon 
strance  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature. 

The  president  says,  "  The  contest  in  which  the 
United  States  are  engaged,  appeals  for  its  support 
to  every  motive  that  can  animate  an  uncorrupted 
and  enlightened  people,  to  the  pride  of  liberty,  to 
an  emulation  of  the  glorious  founders  of  their 
independence  by  a  successful  vindication  of  its 
violated  attributes,  to  the  gratitude  and  sympathy 
which  demand  security  from  the  most  degrading 
wrrongs  of  a  class  of  citizens,  who  have  proved 
themselves  so  worthy  of  the  protection  of  their 
country  by  their  heroic  zeal  in  its  defence,  and 
finally  to  the  sacred  obligations  of  transmitting 
entire  to  future  generations  that  precious  patri 
mony  of  national  rights  and  independence,  which 
is  held  in  trust  by  the  present  from  the  goodness 
of  divine  providence." 

The  remonstrants,  after  declaring  and  urging 
their  reasons  in  proof  that  the  "  contest"  was  im- 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  389 

proper,  impolitic  and  unjust,  add,  "  To  the  consti 
tuted  authorities  of  our  country  we  have  now 
stated  our  opinions  and  made  known  our  com 
plaints  ;  opinions,  the  result  of  deliberate  reflec 
tion,  and  complaints  wrung  from  us  by  the  tor 
tures  of  that  cruel  policy,  which  has  brought  the 
good  people  of  this  commonwealth  to  the  verge 
of  ruin.  A  policy,  which  has  annihilated  that 
commerce  so  essential  to  their  prosperity,  increas 
ed  their  burthens  while  it  has  diminished  their 
means  of  support,  provided  for  the  establishment 
of  an  immense  standing  army,  dangerous  to  their 
liberties  and  irreconcilable  with  the  genius  of  their 
constitution;  destroyed  their  just  and  constitu 
tional  weight  in  the  general  government,  and  by 
involving  them  in  a  disastrous  war,  placed  in  the 
power  of  the  enemy  the  control  of  the  fisheries, 
a  treasure  of  more  value  to  the  country  than  all 
the  territories  for  which  we  are  contending,  and 
which  furnish  the  only  means  of  subsistence  to 
thousands  of  our  citizens ;  the  great  nursery  of 
our  seamen,  and  the  right  to  which  can  never  be 
abandoned  by  New  England." 

The  contending  parties  in  the  country  had  gone 
too  far  in  mutual  crimination  to  veil  even  under 
the  forms  of  courtesy  their  conviction,  real  or  pre 
tended,  of  the  motives  and  objects  by  which  they 
were  severally  actuated.  Each  claimed  for  its 
self  the  purest  patriotism  and  the  highest  intel- 


390  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

ligence ;  and  each  accused  the  other  of  premedi 
tated  treason,  and  private  aggrandizement. 

The  causes  of  the  war,  say  the  legislature  of 
Massachusetts,  and  more  particularly  the  pretences 
for  its  continuance,  "  fill  the  minds  of  the  good 
people  of  this  commonwealth  with  infinite  anxiety 
and  alarm,"  and  the  government  of  the  United 
States  is  charged  in  regard  to  the  information  by 
them  given  "  with  a  suppression  too  serious  to  be 
overlooked  or  forgiven," — "  ambition  and  not  jus 
tice,  a  lust  of  conquest  and  not  a  defence  of  en 
dangered  rights  are  among  the  real  causes  of  per 
severance  in  our  present  hostilities,"  and  with  the 
qualification  made  by  an  hypothetical  form  of  ex 
pression,  they  charge  that  the  war  in  which  they 
have  been  rashly  plunged,  was  undertaken  to  ap 
pease  the  resentment,  or  secure  the  favour  of 
France. 

By  the  administration  these  denunciations  were 
declared  to  be  the  wiles  of  a  faction,  eager  to  re 
gain  the  power  it  had  lost,  feigning  a  fear  that  it 
did  not  feel,  and  ready  to  spring  into  the  arms  of 
England,  if  her  friendship  would  restore  them  to 
their  past  authority.  They  asserted  further,  that 
the  repeated  declarations  that  the  eastern  states 
had  lost  their  just  weight  in  the  confederacy  ;  that 
the  provisions  of  the  constitution  had  failed  to  se 
cure  the  objects  for  which  it  was  adopted ;  and 
that  a  power,  adverse  to  their  interest  had  arisen 
in  the  formation  of  new  states,  were  not  merely 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  391 

calculated,  but  intended  to  prepare  for  a  division, 
and  the  establishment  of  a  more  favourable  con 
dition  of  things,  a  separate  peace  and  alliance 
with  the  public  enemy. 

These  offensive  imputations  mutually  cast  with 
reckless  prodigality,  by  opposing  parties,  were  ea 
gerly  caught  by  the  enemy,  equally  ready  and  inter 
ested  to  have  all  of  them  prove  true  ;  though  nothing 
but  the  exasperation  of  political  feeling  could  have 
induced  any  one  to  suppose  they  were  merited  by 
those  to  whom  they  were  applied,  or  believed  by 
those  who  applied  them. 

But  the  course  of  an  opposition,  which  flagrante 
belloj  could  thus  weaken  the  only  means  that  might 
bring  the  war  to  a  favourable  termination,  is  cer 
tainly  a  matter  of  surprise.  The  vice-president 
was  of  the  party  who  believed  his  country  to  be 
right,  and  who  wished  it  to  be  successful  wrong 
or  right,  and  with  this  view  he  lent  the  whole  in 
fluence  of  his  character  and  station  to  support  the 
executive  department  in  the  senate  and  before  the 
people. 

If  the  advantage  of  a  strenuous  cooperation  by 
the  second  officer  of  the  nation,  is  in  proportion 
to  the  embarrassment  resulting  from  an  adverse 
movement,  the  administration  had  great  reason  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  selection  they  had  made. 

During  every  day  of  the  first  special  session  of 
the  thirteenth  congress,  which  continued  until  the 
2d  of  August,  the  vice-president  presided  in  the 


392  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

senate ;  and  he  kept  the  chair  until  its  actual  ad 
journment. 

In  this  there  was  a  departure  from  the  usage 
of  that  body. 

In  case  of  the  decease  or  other  inability  of  the 
president  and  vice-president  of  the  United  States, 
the  constitution  has  provided  that  congress  may 
by  law  designate  what  officer  shall  act  as  presi 
dent,  until  the  disability  be  removed,  or  a  presi 
dent  be  elected.  And  in  pursuance  of  that  power, 
congress  has  devolved  that  contingent  but  possi 
ble  rank  on  the  acting  president  of  the  senate,  and 
if  there  be  none,  on  the  speaker  of  the  house 
of  representatives. 

To  place  this  reversionary  right  in  some  mem 
ber  of  the  senate,  it  had  been  and  yet  is  usual 
for  the  vice-president  of  the  United  States  to  re 
tire  before  the  close  of  a  session,  that  a  president 
pro  tempore  may  be  selected  by  that  branch  of 
the  legislature,  who,  in  the  course  of  events, 
might  in  preference  to  the  speaker  of  the  house 
of  representatives  be  called  to  the  executive  office. 

But  notwithstanding  the  administration  was 
strong  in  the  senate,  the  choice  of  a  president 
pro  tempore  might,  as  the  vice-president  appre 
hended,  devolve  on  an  individual  not  invariably 
found  among  their  friends,  and  he  therefore  pre 
ferred  keeping  his  seat  until  the  end  of  the  ses 
sion. 

The  vice-president  of  the  United  States  is  not 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  393 

a  member  of  the  executive  cabinet.  The  consti 
tution  indeed  in  its  theory  knows  no  such  organi 
zation  ;  but  convenience,  necessity,  and  at  last 
custom  established  one,  which  is  consulted  on 
great  questions  by  the  executive  chief;  who  while 
he  listens  to  its  advice  is  yet  governed  by  his 
own  judgment,  and  responsible  for  the  measures 
of  his  administration.  This  cabinet  consists  of 
the  secretaries  of  departments,  and  the  attorney 
general  of  the  United  States. 

The  first  vice-president  considered  his  exclusion 
as  a  want  of  proper  respect ;  the  second  regarded 
it  as  a  necessary  incident  of  his  legislative  charac 
ter,  which  could  neither  require  nor  permit  him  to 
mingle  in  executive  deliberations. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  not  called  to  the  regular  meet 
ings  of  the  cabinet,  but  his  advice  and  council 
were  solicited,  and  most  confidentially  and  freely 
given  to  the  distinguished  statesman  on  whom 
then  devolved  a  weight  of  responsibility,  and  an 
anxiety  of  mind  greater  than  at  any  other  period 
crowded  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation. 

The  opposition  in  the  eastern  states  to  all 
the  measures  of  the  national  administration,  the 
strength  with  which  this  opposition  bore  upon 
every  effort  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  ; 
the  obstacles  it  presented  to  the  raising  of  supplies, 
either  of  money  or  men  ;  and  more  than  all,  doubts 
and  apprehensions  as  to  the  extent  of  an  under 
standing,  which  its  leaders  were  suspected  of  main- 

VOL.  ii.  50 


394  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

taining  with  the  public  enemy,  were  calculated  to 
disturb  the  government,  and  render  most  unhappy 
the  public  functionaries,  whom  the  majority  of 
their  fellow  citizens  expected  fearlessly  to  meet 
the  responsibility  of  the  times. 

The  long  embargo,  which  preceded  the  war  of 
1812,  had  been  changed  into  a  system  of  nonin- 
tercourse,  partly  on  the  persuasion  confidentially 
inculcated  by  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Massachu 
setts,  that  the  former  measure  would  be  resisted 
by  force. 

The  intercourse  of  a  British  political  mission* 
ary  with  the  leaders  of  the  federal  party  in  New 
England  had  been  watched  with  the  same  jealous 
but  futile  expectation  that  it  would  present  a 
developement  of  unlawful  designs,  and  the  sub 
sequent  more  alarming  because  more  practicable 
evils  put  in  the  way  of  a  claim  for  the  military 
aid  of  New  England  was  naturally  enough  as 
signed  to  the  same  anti-patriotic  propensities. 

Ardent  as  were  the  feelings,  and  strong  as  have 
been  seen  to  be  the  political  and  party  attach 
ments  of  the  vice-president,  he  had  learned  better 
and  judged  more  truly  the  sentiments  of  his  coun 
trymen.  Accused  as  he  has  been  of  strong  an 
tipathies,  and  prejudice  and  animosity  to  the  party, 
which  had  opposed  his  own  administration  of  the 
state  government  by  every  measure  of  personal 
and  public  hostility,  he  yet  was  able  to  examine 
more  candidly,  and  was  willing  to  express  more 
favourably  his  construction  of  their  conduct. 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE   GERRY.  395 

In  the  many  and  anxious  deliberations  of  the 
cabinet  as  to  the  measures  of  New  England 
policy,  and  the  extent  of  the  opposition  of  the 
federal  leaders  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  it  was  known  that  the  vice-president  had 
entirely  acquitted  them  of  all  traitorous  design. 
He  believed,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  express 
his  conviction,  that  all  their  efforts,  unwise  and 
ill  timed,  and  dangerous  and  unfortunate  as  he 
considered  them  to  be,  were  the  efforts  of  a  party 
to  regain  political  power,  and  not  indications  of 
hostility  to  the  government,  or  a  desire  either  to 
calculate  the  value  of  the  union  or  to  place  any 
part  of  it  within  the  domination  of  Great  Britain. 
The  effect  of  this  persuasion,  and  the  willingness 
with  which  the  vice-president  announced  it,  had 
its  proper  weight  in  softening  some  of  the  mea 
sures,  which  to  a  party  believed  to  be  in  hos 
tility  to  the  government  and  constitution  of  the 
country,  the  administrators  of  that  government 
under  the  constitution  might  have  been  bound  to 
display. 

Condescension  might  however,  as  he  thought, 
be  carried  too  far,  and  he  felt  obliged  on  one  oc 
casion  at  least  to  restrain  it. 

The  exceeding  embarrassment  which  the  na 
tional  administration  experienced  by  the  construc 
tion  which  the  governour  of  Massachusetts,  en 
couraged  by  the  official  opinion  of  the  judiciary  of 
his  state,  put  on  the  relative  power  of  the  state 


396  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

and  the  nation  over  the  militia  of  a  state,  induced 
the  executive  of  the  United  States  to  try  every 
possible  measure  to  change  it. 

As  a  plan  that  might  reconcile  conflicting  opin 
ions,  it  was  proposed  that  the  governour  of  Massa 
chusetts  should  be  commissioned  a  major-general 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States ;  and  it  was 
supposed  therefore,  that  while  in  the  former  capa 
city  he  could  call  out  the  militia  of  his  state,  he 
would  be  bound  in  the  other  to  obey  the  national 
executive.  The  good  effect  of  such  a  plan  had 
been  experienced,  particularly  in  New- York.  The 
decided  opposition  it  met  with  from  the  vice-pre 
sident  induced  the  government  to  give  up  the 
scheme  in  Massachusetts. 

Among  the  most  fatiguing  labours  that  devolved 
on  the  vice-president  of  the  United  States,  was 
the  necessity  of  attending  to  a  vast  mass  of  cor 
respondence,  which  overwhelmed  him  from  all 
parts  of  the  country. 

The  right  of  a  private  citizen  to  address  the 
public  functionaries  may  not  be  disputed  ;  but 
when  that  right  is  exercised  in  its  extreme,  the 
inability  of  the  public  agents  to  encounter  it  ad 
mits  not  of  doubt.  In  those  offices  where  clerks 
are  employed,  a  great  part  of  this  labour  may  de 
volve  on  them,  but  the  vice-president  has  neither 
clerk  nor  secretary,  and  the  reading  even  without 
answering  the  numberless  epistles  of  his  fellow 
citizens,  was  enough  to  break  down  a  constitution 
of  iron. 


LIFE  OF  ELBR1DGE  GERRY.  397 

Probably  at  that  period  there  was  more  impo 
sition  in  this  respect  than  at  other  times.  The 
war  gave  rise  to  numerous  classes  of  office,  and  to 
local  interests  of  great  extent  and  variety.  It 
seemed  to  be  taken  for  granted,  by  each  indivi 
dual  applicant  for  notice,  that  if  he  could  get  the 
vice-president's  recommendation  he  was  sure  of 
success,  and  to  be  forgotten  that  every  other  citi 
zen  had  the  same  right  with  himself. 

Until  the  extent  of  this  evil  became  so  great 
that  it  was  physically  impossible  to  meet  it,  the 
courtesy  of  the  vice-president  extended  to  the  an 
swering  of  his  numerous  correspondents  ;  and 
when  this  labour  became  impossible,  it  was  often 
his  misfortune  to  find  that  the  omission  was  cause 
•  of  offence. 

The  vice-president  continued  to  give  his  strenu 
ous  support  to  the  administration,  and  his  aid  to  a 
vigorous  conducting  of  the  war  during  the  second 
session  of  the  thirteenth  congress.  In  the  new 
situation  in  which  he  was  placed  his  former  ac 
quaintance  with  the  financial  affairs  of  the  country, 
and  the  experience  he  had  in  the  congress  of  the 
revolution  and  that  of  the  early  period  of  the  exist 
ing  government  was  of  advantage  to  himself  and 
his  associates.  As  ex  qfflcio  a  commissioner  of  the 
sinking  fund,  and  presiding  at  that  board,  the 
duties  of  the  vice-president,  though  secluded  in  a 
great  measure  from  the  public  eye,  are  not  of  the 
less  importance  or  value.  Amid  all  the  pressure 


398  LIFE  OF   ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

of  the  war,  with  all  the  embarrassments,  which 
attended  the  procuring  of  the  means  for  its  ener 
getic  prosecution,  and  the  raising  by  successive 
loans  the  ample  funds,  which  it  required,  the 
policy  of  the  administration  never  lost  sight  of  the 
grand  object  of  repayment,  or  failed  to  see  through 
the  dark  clouds,  which  hung  around  them,  that 
bright  star  of  promise,  which  foretold  the  future 
greatness  of  their  country.  The  debt,  which  it 
was  necessary  to  incur,  they  did  not  hesitate  fear 
lessly  to  contract ;  but  at  the  same  time  the  funds, 
which  were  afterwards  to  discharge  it,  they  were 
equally  solicitous  to  preserve.  Hence  in  all  their 
laws  for  a  loan,  provision  is  made  for  a  sinking 
fund,  and  the  administration  of  this  fund  under 
commissioners  was  carefully  secured  by  the  vice- 
president's  concurrence. 

He  had  taken  his  seat  in  the  senate,  at  the  third 
session,  and  presided  during  the  whole  of  a  long 
debate  on  the22d  of  November  1814,  with  his  usual 
spirit,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  accustomed  health. 
On  returning  to  his  lodgings  he  complained  of 
slight  indisposition,  but  amused  himself  through 
the  evening  in  arranging  the  letters  of  the  day, 
and  in  a  cheerful  conversation  with  the  inmates  of 
the  house. 

There  has  been  thought  to  be  sometimes  a  pre 
monition  of  approaching  dissolution,  even  when 
the  corporeal  frame  discloses  no  appearance  of  the 
crisis.  Mr.  Gerry's  discourse  was  of  his  family  in 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  309 

Massachusetts  ;  and  taking  from  his  bosom  a 
miniature,  which  was  always  suspended  round  his 
neck  when  the  original  was  absent,  and  had  hither 
to,  with  a  peculiar  delicacy  of  feeling,  been  his 
own  personal  secret,  he  spoke  of  it  with  an  in 
terest  which  show  that  although  the  surpassing 
beauty  delineated  in  the  picture  might  have  first 
charmed  the  imagination,  more  enduring  qualities 
had  left  the  impress  of  affection  on  his  heart.* 

He  rested  well  through  the  night,  and  break 
fasted  as  usual  with  the  family  on  the  morning  of 
the  23d,  and  although  he  spoke  of  some  vague  in 
dications  of  disease,  he  did  not  consider  them 
sufficient  to  prevent  his  taking  his  seat  in  the 
senate,  at  the  hour  to  which  that  body  was 
adjourned.  The  carriage  coming  to  carry  him  to 
the  capital  rather  earlier  than  usual,  he  directed 
the  coachman  to  stop  on  his  way  there  at  the 
office  of  the  registry  of  the  treasury,  at  which  he 
had  some  business  that  required  his  attention. 
This  being  arranged  he  returned  to  his  carriage, 
and  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance,  when  a 
sudden  extravasation  of  blood  took  place  upon  the 
lungs  and  terminated  his  life  within  twenty  min- 

*  On  tlic  decease  of  the  vice-president  this  miniature  could 
not  be  found.  Several  months  afterwards  it  was  accidentally 
discovered  by  one  of  his  family,  stripped  of  its  plain  gold  setting, 
and  exposed  for  sale  in  one  of  the  shops  of  the  district,  as  a 
fancy  piece  of  exquisite  design.  How  it  came  there  was  never 
ascertained. 


400  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

utes,  almost  without  a  struggle  and   apparently 
without  pain. 

On  the  news  of  his  death  congress  appointed  a 
committee  "  to  report  measures  proper  to  manifest 
the  public  respect  for  the  memory  of  the  deceased, 
and  expressive  of  the  deep  regret  of  the  congress 
of  the  United  States  for  the  loss  of  a  citizen  so 
highly  respected  and  revered." 

Under  the  charge  of  this  committee  his  remains, 
attended  the  next  day  by  the  members  of  the  ex 
ecutive  government  and  both  branches  of  the  le 
gislature,  were  deposited  in  the  burying  ground  of 
the  city  of  Washington,  by  the  side  of  those 
illustrious  men,  who  had  died  there  in  the  service 
of  their  country. 

A  widow,  three  sons  and  six  daughters  sur 
vived  him. 

Like  most  of  his  eminent  compatriots,  Mr. 
Gerry  left  to  his  family  his  example  only  and  his 
fame. 

A  political  opponent  and  former  rival  for  the 
chair  of  Massachusetts,  then  member  of  the  senate 
from  that  state,  with  a  nobleness  of  soul,  which 
buries  with  the  ashes  of  its  enemy  all  feelings  of 
animosity  or  revenge,  recognising  as  a  patriot  the 
services  of  the  departed  statesman,  and  sympathiz 
ing  as  a  man  in  the  distress  of  an  agonized  family, 
introduced  a  bill  "  for  paying  to  the  widow  of  the 
late  vice-president  the  salary,  which  would  have 


LIFE  OF  ELBHIDGE  GER£Y.  401 

become  due,  had  he  lived  to  complete  his  term  of 
office." 

This  bill  passed  the  senate,  but  was  lost  in  the 
house.  An  objection  was  there  taken,  in  which 
many  friends  of  the  late  vice-president  felt  them 
selves  reluctantly  bound  to  concur,  that  it  would 
become  a  precedent  for  the  granting  of  pensions 
in  the  civil  departments  of  the  country. 

One  individual,  however,  was  found  to  take 
other  ground.  Neither  the  services  of  patriotism, 
nor  the  claims  of  widowhood  and  orphanage  could 
disarm  his  ancient  animosity,  or  prevent  him,  over 
the  green  grave  of  his  opponent,  from  assailing  his 
memory  in  the  same  terms  of  vituperation,  which 
had  marked  the  past  period  of  political  warfare.* 

But  what  was  then  wanting  in  kindness  to  the 
family  of  the  vice-president  was  aftcwards  made 
up  to  them  in  consolation,  by  the  respect  which 
congress  paid  to  his  memory. 

*  Although  the  government  of  the  United  States  could  not 
directly  aid  the  destitute  family  of  the  vice-president,  they  were 
disposed  to  consider  their  claims  with  great  attention  ;  and  the 
eminent  citizen,  who  was  then  the  chief  executive  magistrate, 
appointed  the  eldest  son  of  the  deceased  to  a  place  in  the 
collection  of  the  revenue,  that  it  should  enahle  him  to  support 
the  family  thus  unexpectedly  thrown  upon  his  charge  ;  a  duty 
which  it  is  proper  to  say  is  still  performed  with  filial  assiduity, 
while  the  office  hestowed  for  so  worthy  a  purpose  has  heen  filled 
to  general  acceptation,  and  with  unimpeached  fidelity.  The 
two  other  sons  were  soon  after  appointed  to  the  navy  of  the 
United  States,  in  which  they  continue  honoured  and  esteemed  as 
ornaments  of  their  profession. 

VOL.    II.  51 


402  LIFE  OP  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

On  the  3d  March  1823,  a  law  was  passed  to 
erect  a  monument  over  his  tomb  ;  an  appropriation 
was  at  the  same  time  made  to  defray  the  expense, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  summer  this  honourable 
testimonial  to  his  character  was  placed  over  his 
remains. 

The  monument  thus  erected  by  order  of  con 
gress  is  of  pure  white  marble,  from  the  native 
state  of  the  eminent  citizen  whose  ashes  it  pro 
tects.  The  pedestal  is  pyramidal.  On  the  cor 
ners  is  a  fillet,  which  lies  in  a  scotia  cut  out  of 
the  angle.  A  rich  and  massy  leaf  covers  each 
extremity  of  the  fillet,  a  second  leaf  falls  off  at 
the  bottom,  spreading  itself  over  the  angle  of  the 
base  mouldings.  The  ornaments  of  the  frieze 
under  the  cornice,  are  made  up  of  foliage  modelled 
from  nature,  consisting  of  parsley,  tulips,  and 
amaranthus.  Upon  the  parapet  stand  eight  ballus- 
ters  enriched  with  foliage  supporting  the  soffit  and 
blocks.  The  urn  resembles  in  form  a  Grecian 
vase  with  a  bold  and  elegant  outline,  and  is  en 
riched  with  various  leaves,  among  which  the  oak 
and  acanthus  are  most  prominent.  A  towering 
flame  crowns  the  whole. 

The  monument  bears  the  following  inscription  : 


LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  403 


or 
ELBRIDGE    GERRY, 

VICE-PRESIDENT 

OF     THE 
UNITED      STATES, 

WHO     DIED     SUDDENLY    IN    THIS    CITY, 

NOVEMBER     23,     18J4, 
ON    HIS    WAY    TO    THE    CAPITOL 

AS 

Uvcsftrcnt  of  the  Senate. 

AGED    70    YEARS. 

THUS    FULFILLING 
HIS    OWN    MEMORABLE    INJUNCTION, 

IT    IS    THE    DUTY    OF    EVERY    MAN 
THOUGH    HE    MAY    HAVE    BUT    ONE    DAY    TO    LIVE 

TO    DEVOTE    THAT    DAY 
TO     THE     GOOD     OF     HIS     COUNTRY. 


404  LIFE  OF  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 


On  the  reverse  is  inscribed  : 


ERECTED    BY    ORDER 

OF    THE 
CONGRESS 

OF    THE 
UNITED     STATES. 

It  has  thus  happened  that  the  first,  and  as  yet 
the  only  monument,  which  by  virtue  of  a  law  of 
the  United  States,  has  been  erected  for  a  native 
citizen  at  the  national  expense,  is  placed  over 
the  earthly  remains  of  the  patriot  statesman  and 
Christian,  whose  life  is  now  traced  to  its  close. 


APPENDIX    A. 

(Page  32G.) 

SPEECH  OF  GOVERNOUR  GERRY. 

REIPUBLIC^E  literarico,  per  totarn  orbem,  artium  et  scientia- 
rum  luminari  magno,  vos-ipsos  amicos  et  fautores  manifest! ; 
amieissime  vice-gubernator,  vir  honoratissime  et  clarissime, 
consiliarii,  .spectatissimi  fidissimique,  curatores  et  senatores 
academic!,  celeherrimi  et  generosissimi.  Vir  illustrissime, 
nuper  prceses  reipublicse  Americana?,  Elogio  omni  dignissime, 
professores,  tutores,  et  alii,  functionibus  academicis  eruditjs- 
simi,  j>astores  religiosi,  semper  venerandi,  juventutes  academiae 
carisKimi,  mine  spes,  mox  patrice  laureati,  cujusque  ordinis  audi- 
tores,  literati  et  honorandi.  Vos  omnes,  pariter  amicus,  saluto. 

Uujusco  diei  inunus  est,  hanc  sedem  consecratam  supplere. 
Nos  inonct  viri  pnustantissirni  et  pii  cujus  mors  vacuum  fecit. 
Amicula  sua  feralia  lachrymis  abundanter  roravimus,  et  exe- 
quias  reverentia  celebravimus.  Valedecimus.  Sua  fama  elogt- 
um  alte  volat,  ct  pectoribus  nostris  semper  rccordabitur. 

Te,  domine  reverende,  universitatis  summi  gubernatores  liber- 
issime  supplere  hanc  sedcin  elcgerunt.  Virum  qunesiverunt 
religione,  probitate,  literis  et  honurc  ornatum;  atque  benevo- 
lentia,  humanitate,  affectionibusque  generosissirnis  abundantem  ; 
coniidenter  crcdunt,  quod  hujus  electioriia  snpientiam  evinces. 
Tu  quasi  sol  corruscans,  hacce  systernate  literata,  radiis  geniali- 
bus  suas  plantas  llorentes  fovebis,  et  illis  novas  vires  pnebebiff, 
donee  fructus  coj)iosos  edent,  civitates  Dei  Adorabilis,  alere,  de- 
lectare  et  ornare. 

Et  mine  auctoritatc  munitus,  trado  tibi  domine,  et  inunus 
est  mihi  jucundissimum,  has  vestes  ofliciales,  coronis  victorum 
potentium,  honorabiliores,  chartam,  tabulas  ]>ublicas,  sigilluni 
et  claves ;  symbola  eeque  ac  officii  testimonia.  Omnibus  juri- 
bu.s,  auctoritatibus,  potestatibus  et  previligiis  Pra^sidis  Uni 
versitatis  te  munio.  llac  sede  consccrata  to  stabilio,  ct  Collegii 
Harvardiani  Prajsidem  tc  annuncio  ;  quo  nomine  primo  te  ex 
animo  saluto.  In  te  omnium  oculi  conjiciuntur.  Tu  eris,  quasi 
civitas  in  monte  sita,  conspicuus:  et  sic  luceat  vestra  lux 
apud  hosca?  juvenes,  ut  vestra  facta  videntes  nostrum  patrem  qui 
est  iii  cojlo  adorent. 


406  APPENDIX. 


RESPONSUM  PR^ESIDIS. 

lllustrissime  Domine,  Gubernator. 

Quanta  solicitudine  meipsum  hujus  sellse  Academics  digni- 
tate  ornatum  sentio,  verbis  exsequi  non  possum,  neque  dicere 
oportet.  Tu,  domine,  qui  onus  muneris  jam  suscepti  recte  per- 
pendisti,  bene  intelligis,  atque  omnes  qui  secum  cogitant  quo  loco 
sum,  intellecturi,  qua3  curse  animum  meum  exercent. 

Inter  omnes  constat  quo  affectu,  quanto  studio,  quibus  preci- 
bus  et  lachrymis  hujusce  societatis  fundamenta  posuerunt  nostri 
majores ;  et  quam  multi,  olim  et  nuper,  opes,  consilia,  labores 
ei  libere  impenderunt. 

Mihi  imperito,  imparatoque  curationem  institutionis  tarn  cura?, 
tarn  antique  mandatam  esse  video.  Ita  numini  divino  placuet. 

Recte  rnihi  indicasti  domine,  quod  homines  a  me  juste  expec- 
tent,  et  verbis  benignis  mihi  profecto  animum  addidisti.  Dubi- 
tare  non  possum  quin  tu,  HarvardiaB  alumnus  et  semper  ami- 
cus  ;  tu,  publicis,  privatisque  virtutibus  prsestans,  et  viros  inter 
claros,  qui  libertatem  Arnericanam  ancipitem  feliciter  asserere 
coeperunt,  semper  nominandus ;  quin  tu,  vir  excellentissime,  in 
rebus  agendis  diu  versatus,  et  nunc  in  summo  dignitatis  gradu 
constitutus,  mihi  pro  merito  lubenter  sublevare  prsesto  fueris ; 
etiamque  confido,  casteros  in  collegii  rebus  occupatos,  quod  ad 
illos  attinet,  adjurnento  mihi  semper  adfuturos. 

Quod  superest,  deum  optimum  maximum  domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi  Deum  et  Patrem  veneremur,  et  precemur  ut  nobis  cur- 
sum  rectum  ostendat,  atque  hunc  diem  tarn  serium  quam  festum, 
nostra3  Academics  totique  reipublicse  et  ecclesia?  pro  benevo- 
lentia?  sua  faustum  atque  felicern  evadere  sinat. 

REPLICATIO    GUBERNATORIS. 

Restat  Domine,  hac  solemnitate  summa,  nomine  Gubernato- 
rum  Universitatis  summorum  tibi  gratulari,  benedictionem  et 
gratiam  divinam  tibi  obsecrare.  In  vestra  semulatione,  sedulitate, 
et  fidelitate  ofRciali  suam  confidentiam  exprimere ;  te  juvare 
et  sustinere  in  hoc  munere  honorabili,  suam  mentem  et  decisio- 
nem  declarare ;  denique,  quod  juventutes  harvardiani,  obedien- 
tiam,  affectionem,  et  reverentiam  tibi  semper  manifestabunt,  fide 
confirmare. 


APPENDIX  B. 

(Page  343.) 

BOSTON,  COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  DECEMBER  17,  1811. 
THE  governour  having  on  the  14th  of  August  last,  requested 
the  opinion  of  the  council  on  the  following  points,  viz.  "  who  of 
the  sheriffs  and  clerks  of  the  judicial  courts  ought  to  be  super 
seded  as  a  measure  requisite  to  promote  the  public  welfare  ;"  and 
the  council  on  the  IGth  of  the  same  month,  having  expressed  their 
opinion,  that  the  sheriffs  of  twelve,  and  the  clerks  of  fifteen  coun 
ties,  named  by  the  council  should  be  superseded,  have  been  si 
lent,  in  regard  to  the  sheriff  and  clerk  of  the  county  of  Suffolk, 
excepting  some  remarks,  relative  to  the  postponement  of  the 
nomination  of  the  latter.  The  sheriff  of  Suffolk,  being  a  gentle 
man  of  amiable  manners,  correct  morals,  and  in  what  relates  to 
himself  of  good  conduct  in  his  office,  and  being  approved  in  other 
respects  by  many  persons  in  that  county  friendly  to  tjie  national 
and  state  governments,  but  being  at  the  same  time  very  obnox 
ious  to  a  number  of  others,  equally  friendly  to  government,  is 
under  circumstances  very  embarrassing  to  the  governour.  The 
unpopularity  of  this  sheriff,  it  is  conceived  arises  from  the  samo 
cause  as  that  of  the  sheriff  of  Essex  ;  a  cause,  which  rendered 
indispensable  the  preference  to  him  of  another  candidate.  The 
governour  alludes  to  the  misconduct  of  some  deputies  of  both 
sheriffs  ;  and  in  particular  to  a  deputy  of  Suffolk,  against  whom 
Henry  Warren,  Esq.  of  Plymouth  has  exhibited  the  complaint, 
contained  in  the  document  No.  1.  Jn  the  nomination  of  officers, 
the  candidate  who  has  appeared  to  unite  in  the  greatest  degree, 
the  approbation  of  the  people,  and  who  in  every  other  respect, 
has  had  equal  pretensions,  has  had  the  preference.  If  in  this 
instance,  the  incumbent  should  be  nominated,  it  is  manifest,  that 
the  measure  would  produce  great  uneasiness  on  the  part  of  many 
firm  friends  of  government.  The  proceedings  of  these  are  con 
tained  in  the  document  No.  2.  Thus  circumstanced  the  gover 
nour  requests  the  opinion  of  the  council,  whether  the  nomination 
and  appointment  of  Col.  Samuel  Bradford,  to  the  office  of  sheriff 
for  Suffolk,  will  promote  the  public  welfare,  in  an  equal  degree 
with  one  of  the  other  candidates  for  this  office  ?  Major  Gibbs, 


408  APPENDIX. 

whose  pretensions  are  contained  in  two  papers,  numbered  3,  and 
Capt.  Amos  Binney,  mentioned  in  the  document  No.  2,  are  can 
didates.  The  opinions  on  this  subject  of  the  members  of  the 
council  respectively,  are  requested  in  writing. 

E.  GERRY. 


COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  JANUARY  15,  1812. 

His  excellency  the  governour  in  a  communication  of  the  17th 
of  December  last  having  requested  the  opinion  of  the  council 
respecting  the  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  and  in  that  com 
munication  having  referred  to  a  former  one  made  the  14th  of 
August  last,  in  which  he  requested  the  opinion  of  the  council, 
"  who  of  the  sheriffs  and  clerks  of  the  judicial  courts,  ought  to  be 
superseded  as  a  measure  requisite  to  promote  the  public  wel 
fare  :"  The  council  in  a  communication  made  to  his  excellency 
the  16th  of  the  same  month  of  August,  expressed  their  opinion  that 
the  sheriffs  of  twelve  counties  therein  named  ought  to  be  supersed 
ed,  and  as  the  council  understood  the  governour  to  request  their 
opinion  respecting  all  the  sheriffs,  and  as  it  had  become  the  duty 
of  the  executive  to  appoint  sheriffs  in  all  the  counties,  the  coun 
cil  did  intend  to  express  their  opinion  respecting  all  of  them,  and 
to  be  understood  to  be  in  favour  of  a  reappointment  of  all  those 
whom  they  had  not  designated  as  proper  to  be  superseded  as  a 
measure  requisite  to  promote  the  public  welfare.  On  a  revision 
of  the  subject  as  it  respects  the  several  sheriffs  the  council  see  no 
sufficient  cause  to  reverse  their  opinion,  and  agreeing  with  his 
excellency  that  "the  sheriff  of  Suffolk"  is  "a  gentleman  of 
amiable  manners,  correct  morals,  and  in  what  relates  to  himself 
of  good  conduct  in  his  office,  and  being  approved  in  other 
respects  by  many  persons  in  that  county  friendly  to  government" 
are  (as  on  the  former  occasion)  unanimously  of  opinion  that  the 
public  welfare  does  not  require  that  he  should  be  superseded, 
WM.  GRAY,  SAMUEL  FOWLER, 

MARSHALL  SPRING,          AA.  HILL, 
M.  KINSLEY,  THOMAS  B.  ADAMS. 


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THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


